President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has defended his economic reforms, pointing to stronger growth and falling inflation while acknowledging that challenges remain. As Nigeria heads toward another presidential election, the rising cost of living, poverty and insecurity remain key issues for voters.
Friday, October 2, 2026
Video - Nigeria’s Tinubu hails economic reforms ahead of 2027 election
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has defended his economic reforms, pointing to stronger growth and falling inflation while acknowledging that challenges remain. As Nigeria heads toward another presidential election, the rising cost of living, poverty and insecurity remain key issues for voters.
Former President Obasanjo gives speech in Dangote Lamu Oil Refinery Project Launch
Former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo praised Aliko Dangote’s industrial rise during the groundbreaking of the Lamu refinery in Kenya, recalling how Nigerian policy helped push Dangote from cement imports into manufacturing. Obasanjo said African integration, leadership and private enterprise can transform the continent’s industrial future. For more details, watch our story and subscribe to our channel, DRM News. Obasanjo Reveals How He Pushed Dangote From Cement Imports to African Industry ‘You Are My Boss’: Obasanjo Praises Dangote in Emotional Lamu Refinery Speech Obasanjo Tells Remarkable Dangote Story at Kenya’s East Africa Refinery Launch
Video - Nigeria forgery and impersonation case: Man charged over creating a fake government agency
A Nigerian man has appeared in court, charged with forgery and impersonation. He is accused of creating a fake government agency linked to the president’s office and posing as director-general of the Presidential Foreign Investment Promotion Council since 2024. The agency was allocated almost $1 million in this year’s national budget.
Thursday, October 1, 2026
Video - President Tinubu Addresses Nigerians On 66th Independence Anniversary
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu says Nigeria’s economy has recorded growth of over 4% this year, with contributions from both the oil and non-oil sectors. He highlights the performance as part of the country’s ongoing economic recovery and reform efforts.
Wednesday, September 30, 2026
Video - Dangote refinery fuels East Africa’s energy independence dream
The Port of Lamu received its first major delivery of heavy machinery ahead of the groundbreaking ceremony. The development comes as East African countries seek to reduce their dependence on overseas supplies of refined fuel. Its backers say the project could strengthen regional energy security while supporting wider economic activity.
Nigeria to buy 12 US attack helicopters
Nigeria is moving ahead with the acquisition of 12 AH-1Z Viper attack helicopters from the United States as Abuja and Washington deepen defence cooperation amid persistent security challenges across the country.
The US Mission in Nigeria said on Tuesday that the planned acquisition demonstrated the growing security partnership between both countries.
“U.S.-Nigeria security cooperation continues to advance our shared efforts to strengthen regional security,” the mission said in a post on X.
“The planned acquisition of 12 AH-1Z Viper helicopters underscores both countries’ commitment to building Nigeria’s defense capabilities and addressing current and emerging threats together.”
The development follows a beam signing ceremony at Bell Textron’s facility in Amarillo, Texas, where the Chief of the Air Staff, Sunday Aneke, led a delegation of the Nigerian Air Force.
The ceremony marked a major step in the implementation of the Nigeria-US defence cooperation programme and Nigeria’s efforts to modernise its armed forces, according to the Nigerian Air Force.
Mr Aneke said the acquisition was an important milestone in the effort to build a more capable and mission-ready Nigerian Air Force.
The NAF delegation also inspected the production line for the helicopters during the visit.
The latest development comes after months of military cooperation between Nigeria and the US, including intelligence sharing, military training, logistical support and joint counterterrorism operations.
In September, the United States delivered military equipment to Nigeria under a foreign military sales agreement. US Africa Command said the delivery was intended to support Nigeria’s counterterrorism operations and further the bilateral security partnership.
The two countries have also established defence working groups under their 2026 Defence Cooperation Roadmap to strengthen military collaboration. The initiative followed the deployment of US personnel and surveillance support to assist Nigeria’s counterterrorism efforts.
The US had deployed about 200 military personnel to Nigeria earlier this year as part of an agreement with the Nigerian government to strengthen efforts against terrorism.
Although Nigerian officials initially said the personnel would focus on training, intelligence sharing and other support rather than direct combat, US and Nigerian forces later conducted joint operations against Islamic State targets in the North-east. Most of the US personnel were subsequently withdrawn, while intelligence sharing and other forms of security cooperation continued.
The cooperation has intensified despite diplomatic tensions that followed Washington’s designation of Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern over religious freedom concerns.
The two governments subsequently established a joint working group to address violence against vulnerable groups and assess bilateral counterterrorism cooperation. In August, Nigerian officials said the group was reviewing progress and discussing the next phase of the security partnership.
The United States continues to warn its citizens about security risks in Nigeria. Its current travel advisory, issued in June, places Nigeria at Level 3, urging Americans to reconsider travel because of crime, terrorism, unrest and kidnapping.
Nigeria faces several security crises with various armed groups operating in different parts of the country. Armed groups, including terrorists, have carried out attacks in several states, including Katsina, Sokoto, Borno, Plateau and Benue, killing thousands of people annually and displacing many more.
The US Mission in Nigeria said on Tuesday that the planned acquisition demonstrated the growing security partnership between both countries.
“U.S.-Nigeria security cooperation continues to advance our shared efforts to strengthen regional security,” the mission said in a post on X.
“The planned acquisition of 12 AH-1Z Viper helicopters underscores both countries’ commitment to building Nigeria’s defense capabilities and addressing current and emerging threats together.”
The development follows a beam signing ceremony at Bell Textron’s facility in Amarillo, Texas, where the Chief of the Air Staff, Sunday Aneke, led a delegation of the Nigerian Air Force.
The ceremony marked a major step in the implementation of the Nigeria-US defence cooperation programme and Nigeria’s efforts to modernise its armed forces, according to the Nigerian Air Force.
Mr Aneke said the acquisition was an important milestone in the effort to build a more capable and mission-ready Nigerian Air Force.
The NAF delegation also inspected the production line for the helicopters during the visit.
The latest development comes after months of military cooperation between Nigeria and the US, including intelligence sharing, military training, logistical support and joint counterterrorism operations.
In September, the United States delivered military equipment to Nigeria under a foreign military sales agreement. US Africa Command said the delivery was intended to support Nigeria’s counterterrorism operations and further the bilateral security partnership.
The two countries have also established defence working groups under their 2026 Defence Cooperation Roadmap to strengthen military collaboration. The initiative followed the deployment of US personnel and surveillance support to assist Nigeria’s counterterrorism efforts.
The US had deployed about 200 military personnel to Nigeria earlier this year as part of an agreement with the Nigerian government to strengthen efforts against terrorism.
Although Nigerian officials initially said the personnel would focus on training, intelligence sharing and other support rather than direct combat, US and Nigerian forces later conducted joint operations against Islamic State targets in the North-east. Most of the US personnel were subsequently withdrawn, while intelligence sharing and other forms of security cooperation continued.
The cooperation has intensified despite diplomatic tensions that followed Washington’s designation of Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern over religious freedom concerns.
The two governments subsequently established a joint working group to address violence against vulnerable groups and assess bilateral counterterrorism cooperation. In August, Nigerian officials said the group was reviewing progress and discussing the next phase of the security partnership.
The United States continues to warn its citizens about security risks in Nigeria. Its current travel advisory, issued in June, places Nigeria at Level 3, urging Americans to reconsider travel because of crime, terrorism, unrest and kidnapping.
Nigeria faces several security crises with various armed groups operating in different parts of the country. Armed groups, including terrorists, have carried out attacks in several states, including Katsina, Sokoto, Borno, Plateau and Benue, killing thousands of people annually and displacing many more.
By Kabir Yusuf, Premium Times
AFCON: Guinea-Bissau beat Nigeria with 3-0 win
Nigeria’s Super Eagles suffered a heavy 3-0 defeat to Guinea-Bissau in their Africa Cup of Nations 2027 qualifying clash in Bissau on Tuesday.
Franculino Dju opened the scoring for the hosts in the 15th minute before Mama Baldé doubled Guinea-Bissau’s advantage in the 66th minute.
Álvaro Djaló then added a third goal in the fifth minute of stoppage time to complete a disappointing night for Nigeria.
The Super Eagles struggled to create clear-cut chances for much of the encounter, while Guinea-Bissau were dangerous on the counter and punished Nigeria’s defensive lapses.
Dju broke the deadlock after curling an effort into the far corner, with Nigeria goalkeeper Stanley Nwabali unable to keep it out.
Nigeria attempted to respond, with Ademola Lookman forcing Guinea-Bissau goalkeeper Djoco Embadje into a save in the first half.
Lookman, Taiwo Awoniyi and Akor Adams were unable to find a breakthrough as Guinea-Bissau maintained their advantage into the interval.
Nigeria made changes at half-time, with Moses Simon and Moses Usor introduced as the Super Eagles looked to get back into the contest.
However, Baldé extended the hosts’ lead in the 66th minute with a fine finish after cutting in from the left and curling the ball beyond Nwabali.
Eric Chelle subsequently introduced Tolu Arokodare, while Victor Ilenikhena and Raphael Onyedika also came on as Nigeria searched for a way back into the game.
Nigeria came close through Ilenikhena, but Embadje produced an excellent save to deny the youngster from close range.
Guinea-Bissau held firm before Djaló delivered the final blow with virtually the last kick of the match, making it 3-0.
The defeat leaves Nigeria with work to do in Group L of the AFCON 2027 qualifiers, after the Super Eagles had opened their campaign with a victory.
With Tanzania, one of the tournament’s co-hosts, already guaranteed a place at AFCON 2027, Nigeria and Guinea-Bissau are competing for the group’s remaining qualification spot.
Franculino Dju opened the scoring for the hosts in the 15th minute before Mama Baldé doubled Guinea-Bissau’s advantage in the 66th minute.
Álvaro Djaló then added a third goal in the fifth minute of stoppage time to complete a disappointing night for Nigeria.
The Super Eagles struggled to create clear-cut chances for much of the encounter, while Guinea-Bissau were dangerous on the counter and punished Nigeria’s defensive lapses.
Dju broke the deadlock after curling an effort into the far corner, with Nigeria goalkeeper Stanley Nwabali unable to keep it out.
Nigeria attempted to respond, with Ademola Lookman forcing Guinea-Bissau goalkeeper Djoco Embadje into a save in the first half.
Lookman, Taiwo Awoniyi and Akor Adams were unable to find a breakthrough as Guinea-Bissau maintained their advantage into the interval.
Nigeria made changes at half-time, with Moses Simon and Moses Usor introduced as the Super Eagles looked to get back into the contest.
However, Baldé extended the hosts’ lead in the 66th minute with a fine finish after cutting in from the left and curling the ball beyond Nwabali.
Eric Chelle subsequently introduced Tolu Arokodare, while Victor Ilenikhena and Raphael Onyedika also came on as Nigeria searched for a way back into the game.
Nigeria came close through Ilenikhena, but Embadje produced an excellent save to deny the youngster from close range.
Guinea-Bissau held firm before Djaló delivered the final blow with virtually the last kick of the match, making it 3-0.
The defeat leaves Nigeria with work to do in Group L of the AFCON 2027 qualifiers, after the Super Eagles had opened their campaign with a victory.
With Tanzania, one of the tournament’s co-hosts, already guaranteed a place at AFCON 2027, Nigeria and Guinea-Bissau are competing for the group’s remaining qualification spot.
Dangote says refinery IPO demand 'enormous' as Kenya project advances
Aliko Dangote said on Tuesday that investor demand for his ongoing Lagos refinery share sale was "enormous", as the Nigerian pressed ahead with plans for a $16 billion refinery in Kenya that would extend his energy empire across Africa.
Dangote, Africa's richest man, earlier this month launched a $1.6 billion initial public offering in the refinery to fund a doubling of its capacity to 1.4 billion barrels per day. The deal is being marketed as a "people's IPO" and would be Africa's largest.
"Demand is there, enormous demand. In fact, I didn't know the depth of our capital markets until now, really, because we have never tested it," he told reporters in Nairobi.
He did not provide specific investor demand figures for the offer, which is scheduled to close on October 13.
The deal, which is underwritten for $400 million by Dangote's lead financial advisers, could raise as much as $2.1 billion if oversubscribed.
Strong demand has temporarily disrupted some financial technology platforms as investors rushed to buy into the refinery, which is widely viewed as a bet on Africa's need for greater refining capacity.
"We expected a wave of retail demand in the IPO, but in reality, it's been more like a tsunami," Richmond Bassey, chief executive of Nigerian financial technology platform Bamboo, which focuses on retail investors, told Reuters.
The platform registered a 350% surge in new accounts in the week before the IPO opened, a rate that was surpassed after the offer launched, he said.
DANGOTE TO REPLICATE LAGOS FACILITY IN KENYA
Construction of a 700,000 barrel-per-day refinery for the East African market, in which regional governments have been offered a 30% stake, is due to begin on Wednesday.
The refinery near Kenya's second deep-water port of Lamu on the country's North coast is expected to cost $16 billion, Dangote said.
Dangote said governments investing in the project, including Kenya and Rwanda, would be allowed to spread payments for their equity stakes over four years.
"We have made it very simple and easy for them to fund their own equity. They are not putting their equity in one day," he said, adding Rwanda had sought a 10% stake, a request that is being discussed.
Other countries besides Kenya and Rwanda have also expressed interest in investing in the refinery, Dangote said, without naming them.
The Lamu refinery will source crude from regional producers, including Kenya, which is racing to begin oil production from its own deposits, as well as from overseas suppliers in the Middle East and the United States, Dangote said.
"You don't go and build a refinery for only one source of crude. You take different types: Middle Eastern crude, American, WTI, so you mix them up," he said.
The facility will also spur industries such as petrochemicals, Dangote said, adding pipelines would be built from the Lamu refinery into one or two countries in the region.
He dismissed criticism of the project, including from conservationists and a group of local residents who have challenged it at Kenya's High Court, saying opposition was driven by traders whose businesses would be disrupted by the refinery.
"Everybody is saying that 'no, we have a way that we used to make money without working hard.' But right now, they will make money still, but they have to work hard," he said.
Dangote, Africa's richest man, earlier this month launched a $1.6 billion initial public offering in the refinery to fund a doubling of its capacity to 1.4 billion barrels per day. The deal is being marketed as a "people's IPO" and would be Africa's largest.
"Demand is there, enormous demand. In fact, I didn't know the depth of our capital markets until now, really, because we have never tested it," he told reporters in Nairobi.
He did not provide specific investor demand figures for the offer, which is scheduled to close on October 13.
The deal, which is underwritten for $400 million by Dangote's lead financial advisers, could raise as much as $2.1 billion if oversubscribed.
Strong demand has temporarily disrupted some financial technology platforms as investors rushed to buy into the refinery, which is widely viewed as a bet on Africa's need for greater refining capacity.
"We expected a wave of retail demand in the IPO, but in reality, it's been more like a tsunami," Richmond Bassey, chief executive of Nigerian financial technology platform Bamboo, which focuses on retail investors, told Reuters.
The platform registered a 350% surge in new accounts in the week before the IPO opened, a rate that was surpassed after the offer launched, he said.
DANGOTE TO REPLICATE LAGOS FACILITY IN KENYA
Construction of a 700,000 barrel-per-day refinery for the East African market, in which regional governments have been offered a 30% stake, is due to begin on Wednesday.
The refinery near Kenya's second deep-water port of Lamu on the country's North coast is expected to cost $16 billion, Dangote said.
Dangote said governments investing in the project, including Kenya and Rwanda, would be allowed to spread payments for their equity stakes over four years.
"We have made it very simple and easy for them to fund their own equity. They are not putting their equity in one day," he said, adding Rwanda had sought a 10% stake, a request that is being discussed.
Other countries besides Kenya and Rwanda have also expressed interest in investing in the refinery, Dangote said, without naming them.
The Lamu refinery will source crude from regional producers, including Kenya, which is racing to begin oil production from its own deposits, as well as from overseas suppliers in the Middle East and the United States, Dangote said.
"You don't go and build a refinery for only one source of crude. You take different types: Middle Eastern crude, American, WTI, so you mix them up," he said.
The facility will also spur industries such as petrochemicals, Dangote said, adding pipelines would be built from the Lamu refinery into one or two countries in the region.
He dismissed criticism of the project, including from conservationists and a group of local residents who have challenged it at Kenya's High Court, saying opposition was driven by traders whose businesses would be disrupted by the refinery.
"Everybody is saying that 'no, we have a way that we used to make money without working hard.' But right now, they will make money still, but they have to work hard," he said.
By Duncan Miriri, Reuters
Tuesday, September 29, 2026
Odemwingie reveals how Nigeria’s men Olympic team ended up wearing Falcons’ kits in 2008
Former Super Eagles forward Osaze Odemwingie has revealed the remarkable story of how Nigeria’s unexpected run at the 2008 Beijing Olympics left Samson Siasia’s U-23 side scrambling for match kits.
Speaking during a conversation with Super Falcons captain Rashidat Ajibade on her Rash for Christ podcast, Odemwingie recalled how the team’s progress caught even their own delegation off guard.
According to the former West Bromwich Albion forward, officials had apparently expected Nigeria to make an early exit and had already sent the squad’s main supply of kits back home.
The players, however, kept advancing, and by the time Nigeria reached the knockout stages, the team had to find an alternative, eventually turning to kits belonging to the women’s team.
“At the Beijing Olympics with Siasia, we had to wear the girls’ kits for the second round and the rest,” Odemwingie recalled.
“Apparently, they thought we were not going to get far. They sent all the kits back home to give away or whatever. The Falcons, I think they didn’t make it through the next stage, they now left their kits.”
The Americans noticed
The unusual situation did not escape the attention of Nigeria’s opponents.
Odemwingie said players from the United States noticed that the Nigerians appeared to be wearing the same outfits repeatedly and joked about it.
“Then we made it out of the group and the American team is saying, ‘You guys are wearing the same clothes all the time’. They laughed at us.”
With limited options, some Nigerian players resorted to buying plain white T-shirts themselves.
“Some of us went to buy plain white T-shirts.”
Yet the wardrobe problem did little to affect Nigeria’s performances on the pitch.
The team continued its impressive run through the tournament, reaching the gold medal match against Argentina.
The unusual situation did not escape the attention of Nigeria’s opponents.
Odemwingie said players from the United States noticed that the Nigerians appeared to be wearing the same outfits repeatedly and joked about it.
“Then we made it out of the group and the American team is saying, ‘You guys are wearing the same clothes all the time’. They laughed at us.”
With limited options, some Nigerian players resorted to buying plain white T-shirts themselves.
“Some of us went to buy plain white T-shirts.”
Yet the wardrobe problem did little to affect Nigeria’s performances on the pitch.
The team continued its impressive run through the tournament, reaching the gold medal match against Argentina.
Silver despite the chaos
Nigeria ultimately finished with the silver medal after suffering a narrow 1-0 defeat to Argentina in the final, with Ángel Di María scoring the only goal.
The Beijing campaign remains one of Nigeria’s memorable Olympic football runs, but Odemwingie’s recollection provides a lighter glimpse behind the scenes.
The players had to deal with an administrative miscalculation that left them short of their own kits, yet they continued progressing deep into the competition.
What began with officials seemingly preparing for an early exit ended with Nigeria playing for Olympic gold.
And somewhere along the way, the Super Eagles had to borrow the Falcons’ kits and improvise with plain white T-shirts.
It was an unusual chapter in an otherwise memorable silver-medal campaign.
By Gbemidepo Popoola, Premium Times
Nigeria ultimately finished with the silver medal after suffering a narrow 1-0 defeat to Argentina in the final, with Ángel Di María scoring the only goal.
The Beijing campaign remains one of Nigeria’s memorable Olympic football runs, but Odemwingie’s recollection provides a lighter glimpse behind the scenes.
The players had to deal with an administrative miscalculation that left them short of their own kits, yet they continued progressing deep into the competition.
What began with officials seemingly preparing for an early exit ended with Nigeria playing for Olympic gold.
And somewhere along the way, the Super Eagles had to borrow the Falcons’ kits and improvise with plain white T-shirts.
It was an unusual chapter in an otherwise memorable silver-medal campaign.
Dangote named African Energy Person of the Year as refinery expansion gathers pace
Nigerian industrialist Aliko Dangote has been named the African Energy Chamber’s 2026 African Energy Person of the Year, with the industry group citing his investment in refining, infrastructure and African industrial capacity.
The chamber said the award recognised Dangote’s role in strengthening African energy security, infrastructure and domestic industrial capacity. It highlighted the Dangote Petroleum Refinery near Lagos as the centrepiece of that strategy.
The complex, described by the chamber as the world’s largest single-train refinery, has increased processing capacity from its original 650,000 barrels per day (bpd) to about 700,000 bpd and produces gasoline, diesel, aviation fuel and other petroleum products.
The African Energy Chamber called the refinery “a macroeconomic game-changer for Nigeria”, saying it had helped reduce dependence on imported refined products and increase Nigeria’s role as a petroleum-product exporter. It said Nigeria’s seaborne petroleum-product imports fell from nearly 400,000 bpd in 2023 to less than 130,000 bpd in the second quarter of 2026, while exports to Europe reached about 130,000 bpd during the quarter.
Dangote Petroleum Refinery launched an initial public offering in September comprising 4.1bn ordinary shares at NGN525 each, seeking about NGN2.15 trillion ($1.6bn). The offer opened on September 14 and is scheduled to close on October 13, with trading expected to begin on the Nigerian Exchange in late November.
The refinery reported net profit of $1.82bn in the first half of 2026 on revenue of more than $13bn, reversing a $476mn full-year loss in 2025.
The offering has also drawn scrutiny over valuation and ownership concentration. The Financial Times described the IPO as a test for African capital markets while noting that the offer values the refinery at roughly $48bn-$50bn and places only about 3.3% of enlarged share capital in the public offer.
The IPO comes alongside a $14.3bn expansion programme intended to double refinery capacity to 1.4mn bpd by 2029. The chamber said basic engineering had been completed, almost all detailed engineering work was finished and most equipment had been ordered.
Beyond Nigeria, Dangote is pursuing a planned 700,000-bpd refinery in Lamu, Kenya, while the group is also participating in a planned $660mn refined-products pipeline linking Djibouti and Ethiopia. Dangote said on September 29 that a Kenyan land-rights ruling would not halt the Lamu groundbreaking, although site activity could be constrained pending an October 14 hearing.
These projects fit the wider industrial strategy highlighted by the chamber, which said Dangote has focused on increasing domestic processing and manufacturing rather than relying on exports of raw materials and imports of finished products, with investments spanning cement, fertiliser, logistics and energy infrastructure.
More than 80 reported abducted in Nigeria as police find human remains
More than 80 people have been reported missing in Nigeria after being abducted by armed gangs, a media report said, as authorities announced the discovery of human remains suspected to belong to victims of kidnapping in the southeastern state of Abia.
The AFP news agency reported on Monday that at least 87 people, mostly women, were missing after two separate weekend attacks.
At least 47 farmers were abducted by armed men while harvesting peanuts in the northern Niger State on Saturday, while 40 women were kidnapped in the neighbouring state of Zamfara on Sunday, the agency reported, citing two security reports and a local source.
The kidnappings in the Mariga area of Niger and Yargada in Zamfara are the latest attacks by criminal gangs who specialise in ransom kidnappings and cattle rustling. Locally known as “bandits”, they regularly carry out bloody raids on villages, killing residents and torching homes after looting them.
Separately, police in Abia announced in a statement on Sunday that they found 28 human skulls and bones ”suspected to be [of kidnapped] victims”, after raiding camps linked to criminal groups in the forests.
In a statement on X, the police said suspects at the scene had fled and added that “efforts are intensified to apprehend the fleeing suspects”.
Mass abductions for ransom have become common in parts of northwestern and north-central Nigeria, with armed gangs frequently holding abductees until they are paid large sums of money.
In August, gunmen abducted as many as 600 worshippers during Friday prayers at a mosque in Dekera village in the north-central Niger State.
According to research from SBM Intelligence, a Lagos-based consultancy, armed groups raised some 7.8 billion naira (nearly $6m) in ransom payments between July 2025 and June 2026, more than triple the 2.6 billion naira paid during the same period last year.
The latest wave of kidnappings comes a few months ahead of the January presidential elections, in which security, along with the rising cost of living, is set to be a major issue.
President Bola Tinubu has faced growing criticism over lax security.
Residents of Niger State protested last Monday over the abduction of hundreds of people who, they said, remained in captivity a month after gunmen attacked several communities in one of the country’s largest mass kidnappings.
The AFP news agency reported on Monday that at least 87 people, mostly women, were missing after two separate weekend attacks.
At least 47 farmers were abducted by armed men while harvesting peanuts in the northern Niger State on Saturday, while 40 women were kidnapped in the neighbouring state of Zamfara on Sunday, the agency reported, citing two security reports and a local source.
The kidnappings in the Mariga area of Niger and Yargada in Zamfara are the latest attacks by criminal gangs who specialise in ransom kidnappings and cattle rustling. Locally known as “bandits”, they regularly carry out bloody raids on villages, killing residents and torching homes after looting them.
Separately, police in Abia announced in a statement on Sunday that they found 28 human skulls and bones ”suspected to be [of kidnapped] victims”, after raiding camps linked to criminal groups in the forests.
In a statement on X, the police said suspects at the scene had fled and added that “efforts are intensified to apprehend the fleeing suspects”.
Mass abductions for ransom have become common in parts of northwestern and north-central Nigeria, with armed gangs frequently holding abductees until they are paid large sums of money.
In August, gunmen abducted as many as 600 worshippers during Friday prayers at a mosque in Dekera village in the north-central Niger State.
According to research from SBM Intelligence, a Lagos-based consultancy, armed groups raised some 7.8 billion naira (nearly $6m) in ransom payments between July 2025 and June 2026, more than triple the 2.6 billion naira paid during the same period last year.
The latest wave of kidnappings comes a few months ahead of the January presidential elections, in which security, along with the rising cost of living, is set to be a major issue.
President Bola Tinubu has faced growing criticism over lax security.
Residents of Niger State protested last Monday over the abduction of hundreds of people who, they said, remained in captivity a month after gunmen attacked several communities in one of the country’s largest mass kidnappings.
Monday, September 28, 2026
Video - Nigerian inventor tests fuel-free generator amid power challenges
As rising fuel costs make petrol and diesel generators increasingly expensive to operate, Nigerian inventor Bala Elisha is testing the Bez Renewable Energy Generator as a potential alternative. Elisha says the machine can generate electricity without fossil fuels, potentially offering a cleaner and more affordable option for businesses and communities.
Dozens kidnapped in 2 weekend attacks in northern Nigeria
More than 80 people were abducted by armed gangs in two separate attacks on Saturday and Sunday in northern Nigeria, the latest mass kidnappings for ransom to rock the country.
On Saturday, at least 47 farmers were abducted by armed gangs while harvesting peanuts in Niger state, and on Sunday, 40 women were kidnapped in the neighbouring state of Zamfara, according to two security reports seen by AFP and a local source.
Gunmen on motorcycles -- members of gangs specialising in ransom kidnappings and cattle rustling, locally known as "bandits" -- have for years terrorised rural communities in northwestern and central Nigeria.
These groups regularly carry out bloody raids on villages, killing residents and torching homes after looting them.
A local source said the 47 farmers, most of them women, were taken from their farms in Rimi, an agricultural community in the Mariga area of Niger state.
The women kidnapped on Sunday were taken from Yargada, in the Gusau area of Zamfara, according to a security report prepared for the UN and seen by AFP.
Kidnapping has become a key source of income for criminal groups in Africa's most populous nation, particularly for jihadists and bandit gangs.
On Saturday, at least 47 farmers were abducted by armed gangs while harvesting peanuts in Niger state, and on Sunday, 40 women were kidnapped in the neighbouring state of Zamfara, according to two security reports seen by AFP and a local source.
Gunmen on motorcycles -- members of gangs specialising in ransom kidnappings and cattle rustling, locally known as "bandits" -- have for years terrorised rural communities in northwestern and central Nigeria.
These groups regularly carry out bloody raids on villages, killing residents and torching homes after looting them.
A local source said the 47 farmers, most of them women, were taken from their farms in Rimi, an agricultural community in the Mariga area of Niger state.
The women kidnapped on Sunday were taken from Yargada, in the Gusau area of Zamfara, according to a security report prepared for the UN and seen by AFP.
Kidnapping has become a key source of income for criminal groups in Africa's most populous nation, particularly for jihadists and bandit gangs.
Friday, September 25, 2026
Terrorism, kidnapping choke trade lifeline linking Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon
Kidnappings, assassinations and other attacks have surged over the past year along Cameroon’s national highway linking the capital Yaoundé in the south to Kousséri, the northern border town with Chad. Boko Haram factions target passengers and freight trucks almost daily, despite the heavy military presence along this vital regional trade route. As the 2026 rainy season sets in, already-poor road conditions further threaten travel and commerce.
The Maroua-Kousséri-N’Djamena corridor serves as a lifeline for landlocked Chad, Nigerian exporters and Cameroonian communities living along this stretch of road. Cameroon’s Douala port is vital for Chad’s supply lines, with trade between the two countries dependent on goods moving from the port to N’Djamena. Extensive formal trade flows combine with a massive informal sector valued at over CFA 174 billion ($303 million) for Cameroon, dominated by foodstuffs and livestock.
Insecurity has intensified and become more complex along this route for three main reasons.
The first is collaboration between criminals and terrorists in kidnapping and human trafficking, fuelled by an influx of weapons and ammunition in the region. Opportunists collude with Boko Haram factions and pass on information about potential targets for this lucrative crime.
For instance, on 14 August 2025, suspected Boko Haram fighters abducted 11 coach passengers near Zigagué on the Maroua-Kousséri route. They were freed a week later following a Cameroonian military incursion into Nigeria and the arrest of local accomplices.
Interviews with former hostages and ex-fighters reveal that in the Mora-Waza area, groups of armed bandits, blending in with the local community, kidnap people and sell them on to the Jama’atu Ahlis-Sunna Lidda’Awati Wal-Jihad (JAS) Boko Haram faction. JAS then demands ransom from the victims’ relatives. This suggests a shift from kidnapping to human trafficking, a more complex activity involving both criminals and terrorists.
The second reason for growing security threats is renewed insurgency. Since January 2025, several high-profile attacks by the Islamic State West Africa Province on military posts along the national highway have caused heavy material and human losses for Cameroon’s army. These setbacks created opportunities for kidnapping and banditry to expand.
Third is poor road conditions, especially during the June-October rainy season. This facilitates ambushes because travellers can sometimes spend days traversing distances of less than 300 km.
Beyond worsening security, regional economic problems are directly impacting Cameroon, Chad and Nigeria. Reduced cross-border trade represents a huge loss for national economies, as travellers, traders and transporters are forced to use longer, more costly routes that can damage vehicles and delay the timely delivery of goods. Supply chain disruptions cause shortages of basic goods, soaring prices and the doubling of transport fares.
Harassment by police, gendarmerie or customs agents adds to the burden. For example, on a 7 km bypass route between Yagoua (Cameroon) and Bongor (Chad), 17 checkpoints were counted. After protests by carriers and road users, Chadian authorities reduced the number of checkpoints on their side of the border in May. In Cameroon, truck drivers allege there are more checkpoints on the road passing through Maga than on the entire national highway.
Efforts to rehabilitate the Mora-Kousséri section of the highway are commendable, but security remains a concern. The route lies close to Nigeria’s Borno State, the epicentre of the Boko Haram insurgency. While the Cameroonian side is dotted with villages all the way to Kousséri, Nigeria’s section is a vast uninhabited area serving as a refuge for Boko Haram and armed bandit groups.
Beyond a defensive military presence along the trade corridor, joint offensive operations (both air and ground) between Cameroon and Nigeria are necessary. Civil-military awareness-raising initiatives could also reduce the infiltration of perpetrators into communities. All of this could form part of the military cooperation agreement signed by the two countries on 16 June 2026 in Yaoundé.
Furthermore, the construction of the 280 km Maga-Kousséri road embankment announced in 2013 would allow traffic to bypass the site of Boko Haram’s attacks. If these road links proved viable, they would reduce the risks and provide economic opportunities for the surrounding communities.
For the time being, governments of the affected countries should alleviate the difficulties encountered on alternative routes, particularly through Chad, starting with reducing checkpoints and roadside harassment.
Célestin Delanga is a Research Officer and Remadji Hoinathy is a Senior Researcher in the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) regional office for West Africa, Sahel, Lake Chad Basin and Central Africa.
By Celestin Delanga and Hoinathy Remadji, Premium Times
The Maroua-Kousséri-N’Djamena corridor serves as a lifeline for landlocked Chad, Nigerian exporters and Cameroonian communities living along this stretch of road. Cameroon’s Douala port is vital for Chad’s supply lines, with trade between the two countries dependent on goods moving from the port to N’Djamena. Extensive formal trade flows combine with a massive informal sector valued at over CFA 174 billion ($303 million) for Cameroon, dominated by foodstuffs and livestock.
Insecurity has intensified and become more complex along this route for three main reasons.
The first is collaboration between criminals and terrorists in kidnapping and human trafficking, fuelled by an influx of weapons and ammunition in the region. Opportunists collude with Boko Haram factions and pass on information about potential targets for this lucrative crime.
For instance, on 14 August 2025, suspected Boko Haram fighters abducted 11 coach passengers near Zigagué on the Maroua-Kousséri route. They were freed a week later following a Cameroonian military incursion into Nigeria and the arrest of local accomplices.
Interviews with former hostages and ex-fighters reveal that in the Mora-Waza area, groups of armed bandits, blending in with the local community, kidnap people and sell them on to the Jama’atu Ahlis-Sunna Lidda’Awati Wal-Jihad (JAS) Boko Haram faction. JAS then demands ransom from the victims’ relatives. This suggests a shift from kidnapping to human trafficking, a more complex activity involving both criminals and terrorists.
The second reason for growing security threats is renewed insurgency. Since January 2025, several high-profile attacks by the Islamic State West Africa Province on military posts along the national highway have caused heavy material and human losses for Cameroon’s army. These setbacks created opportunities for kidnapping and banditry to expand.
Third is poor road conditions, especially during the June-October rainy season. This facilitates ambushes because travellers can sometimes spend days traversing distances of less than 300 km.
Beyond worsening security, regional economic problems are directly impacting Cameroon, Chad and Nigeria. Reduced cross-border trade represents a huge loss for national economies, as travellers, traders and transporters are forced to use longer, more costly routes that can damage vehicles and delay the timely delivery of goods. Supply chain disruptions cause shortages of basic goods, soaring prices and the doubling of transport fares.
Harassment by police, gendarmerie or customs agents adds to the burden. For example, on a 7 km bypass route between Yagoua (Cameroon) and Bongor (Chad), 17 checkpoints were counted. After protests by carriers and road users, Chadian authorities reduced the number of checkpoints on their side of the border in May. In Cameroon, truck drivers allege there are more checkpoints on the road passing through Maga than on the entire national highway.
Efforts to rehabilitate the Mora-Kousséri section of the highway are commendable, but security remains a concern. The route lies close to Nigeria’s Borno State, the epicentre of the Boko Haram insurgency. While the Cameroonian side is dotted with villages all the way to Kousséri, Nigeria’s section is a vast uninhabited area serving as a refuge for Boko Haram and armed bandit groups.
Beyond a defensive military presence along the trade corridor, joint offensive operations (both air and ground) between Cameroon and Nigeria are necessary. Civil-military awareness-raising initiatives could also reduce the infiltration of perpetrators into communities. All of this could form part of the military cooperation agreement signed by the two countries on 16 June 2026 in Yaoundé.
Furthermore, the construction of the 280 km Maga-Kousséri road embankment announced in 2013 would allow traffic to bypass the site of Boko Haram’s attacks. If these road links proved viable, they would reduce the risks and provide economic opportunities for the surrounding communities.
For the time being, governments of the affected countries should alleviate the difficulties encountered on alternative routes, particularly through Chad, starting with reducing checkpoints and roadside harassment.
Célestin Delanga is a Research Officer and Remadji Hoinathy is a Senior Researcher in the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) regional office for West Africa, Sahel, Lake Chad Basin and Central Africa.
Nigeria, US agree to boost mining investment
Nigeria and the US have agreed to "deepen" American investment in the West African country's mining sector.
The deal was signed on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in New York City, Nigeria's Minister for Solid Minerals Dele Alake announced on Thursday.
"This is an important step in strengthening Nigeria-US cooperation around our mineral resources, valued at about $700 billion (€796 billion)," Alake said.
"The framework covers geological data and exploration, mineral development and processing, infrastructure, and technical capacity,"he added.
'We want more local processing'
Although known for its vast oil reserves, Nigeria is also home to deposits of lithium, gold, tin, gemstones, iron ore and phosphate.
Lithium, in particular, is in high demand globally as an essential component in the batteries are powering the green energy transition.
Alake said the agreement, which was signed on Wednesday, would be used to identify viable projects. He hinted that local jobs could be created by onshoring the refining of minerals, which until now have largely been exported as ore.
"Nigeria cannot remain a source of raw materials while others capture most of the value," Alake said. "We want more local processing, quality jobs, stronger skills and greater opportunities for Nigerian businesses."
However, these goals come as Nigeria's mining sector remains mired by safety concerns and environmental concerns.
By Zac Crellin, DW
The deal was signed on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in New York City, Nigeria's Minister for Solid Minerals Dele Alake announced on Thursday.
"This is an important step in strengthening Nigeria-US cooperation around our mineral resources, valued at about $700 billion (€796 billion)," Alake said.
"The framework covers geological data and exploration, mineral development and processing, infrastructure, and technical capacity,"he added.
'We want more local processing'
Although known for its vast oil reserves, Nigeria is also home to deposits of lithium, gold, tin, gemstones, iron ore and phosphate.
Lithium, in particular, is in high demand globally as an essential component in the batteries are powering the green energy transition.
Alake said the agreement, which was signed on Wednesday, would be used to identify viable projects. He hinted that local jobs could be created by onshoring the refining of minerals, which until now have largely been exported as ore.
"Nigeria cannot remain a source of raw materials while others capture most of the value," Alake said. "We want more local processing, quality jobs, stronger skills and greater opportunities for Nigerian businesses."
However, these goals come as Nigeria's mining sector remains mired by safety concerns and environmental concerns.
Thursday, September 24, 2026
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Nigeria’s central bank has cut its benchmark interest rate from 26.5% to 23%, its first reduction this year, as inflation shows signs of easing. Manufacturers welcomed the move but call for lower lending rates and further cuts to make credit more affordable and support business growth.
Wednesday, September 23, 2026
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Years of conflict in northeastern Nigeria have left many women widowed and solely responsible for their families. In Borno State, they are struggling to make ends meet as they rebuild their lives in displacement camps.
Thousands of applicants from Nigeria, Ghana affected as UK blocks direct teaching qualification route
Teachers trained in Nigeria and Ghana can no longer use England’s direct application service for Qualified Teacher Status (QTS), after the UK government tightened eligibility requirements for overseas-trained teachers.
The change took effect on September 9, 2026, when the UK Department for Education (DfE) removed Ghana, Nigeria and India from the countries whose teachers can use the “Apply for QTS in England” service.
QTS is the professional status used in England and is a legal requirement to teach in many schools, although it is not required in every type of school, including some academies, free schools and private schools.
The DfE said the decision followed changes to the requirements for countries participating in the direct recognition service.
According to the UK Department for Education, teachers trained in Nigeria and Ghana submitted 2,143 applications for Qualified Teacher Status (QTS) in the 2024–25 academic year.
Nigeria accounted for 1,076 applications, while Ghana accounted for 1,067. Of these, 560 applications resulted in QTS awards, while 1,348 were declined
The change took effect on September 9, 2026, when the UK Department for Education (DfE) removed Ghana, Nigeria and India from the countries whose teachers can use the “Apply for QTS in England” service.
QTS is the professional status used in England and is a legal requirement to teach in many schools, although it is not required in every type of school, including some academies, free schools and private schools.
The DfE said the decision followed changes to the requirements for countries participating in the direct recognition service.
According to the UK Department for Education, teachers trained in Nigeria and Ghana submitted 2,143 applications for Qualified Teacher Status (QTS) in the 2024–25 academic year.
Nigeria accounted for 1,076 applications, while Ghana accounted for 1,067. Of these, 560 applications resulted in QTS awards, while 1,348 were declined
Why Nigeria and Ghana lost access
The UK government said countries must have a national regulator that can confirm a teacher’s professional standing and must be able to provide employment references that meet its requirements.
For Nigeria and Ghana, the DfE pointed specifically to problems with employment-reference verification.
“More than 70% of applications from teachers in Ghana and Nigeria include work history references that use public email addresses, such as Gmail or Hotmail, rather than a school’s official email domain,” the department said.
The government added that this means its assessors “spend additional time and resources trying to verify information provided in applications.”
“We must be confident that the information applicants provide is genuine,” the DfE said. “This helps ensure that overseas teachers awarded qualified teacher status have the skills and experience needed to teach in schools in England.”
The requirement now states that references must confirm an applicant’s work history and use an email address belonging to the school’s domain.
The change does not amount to a ban on Nigerian or Ghanaian teachers working in England.
The UK government says qualified teachers from outside the UK can work in England for up to four years without QTS under its “4-year rule.” After that period, QTS is required to teach in many state schools.
Teachers affected by the change can also pursue alternative routes, including assessment-only QTS, teacher training in England or international qualified teacher status (iQTS).
Under the assessment-only route, experienced teachers with a degree can obtain QTS without completing a teacher-training programme.
The UK government says applicants generally need at least two years of teaching experience, a bachelor’s degree and other specified qualifications. Fees typically range from about £1,500 to £4,000, depending on the provider.
The iQTS route is also open to non-UK citizens and is delivered online by English teacher-training providers in partnership with schools around the world. The qualification follows the same standards as English QTS and leads to QTS.
The DfE said the purpose of the tighter rules is to ensure it can verify the qualifications, professional standing and experience of overseas teachers before awarding them QTS.
The UK government said countries must have a national regulator that can confirm a teacher’s professional standing and must be able to provide employment references that meet its requirements.
For Nigeria and Ghana, the DfE pointed specifically to problems with employment-reference verification.
“More than 70% of applications from teachers in Ghana and Nigeria include work history references that use public email addresses, such as Gmail or Hotmail, rather than a school’s official email domain,” the department said.
The government added that this means its assessors “spend additional time and resources trying to verify information provided in applications.”
“We must be confident that the information applicants provide is genuine,” the DfE said. “This helps ensure that overseas teachers awarded qualified teacher status have the skills and experience needed to teach in schools in England.”
The requirement now states that references must confirm an applicant’s work history and use an email address belonging to the school’s domain.
The change does not amount to a ban on Nigerian or Ghanaian teachers working in England.
The UK government says qualified teachers from outside the UK can work in England for up to four years without QTS under its “4-year rule.” After that period, QTS is required to teach in many state schools.
Teachers affected by the change can also pursue alternative routes, including assessment-only QTS, teacher training in England or international qualified teacher status (iQTS).
Under the assessment-only route, experienced teachers with a degree can obtain QTS without completing a teacher-training programme.
The UK government says applicants generally need at least two years of teaching experience, a bachelor’s degree and other specified qualifications. Fees typically range from about £1,500 to £4,000, depending on the provider.
The iQTS route is also open to non-UK citizens and is delivered online by English teacher-training providers in partnership with schools around the world. The qualification follows the same standards as English QTS and leads to QTS.
The DfE said the purpose of the tighter rules is to ensure it can verify the qualifications, professional standing and experience of overseas teachers before awarding them QTS.
By Solomon Ekanem, Business Insider Africa
Overcrowded and Stifling: Inside the Nigerian Cell Where 33 Inmates Lost Their Lives
The day before he had been trapped inside the stifling room, measuring roughly 6m (19.7ft) by 3m (9.8ft), with more than 50 other prisoners.
Thirty-three of his cellmates died in the cramped conditions in the prison in Minna, the capital of Nigeria's Niger state - and four died later in hospital.
The mass deaths caused an outcry and sparked protests, including attacks on public buildings, as relatives and locals demanded answers.
Federal officials had initially blamed the deaths on a diphtheria outbreak but exactly what happened is now the subject of an investigation.
"I have never felt heat like that in my life. When we touched each other's bodies, it felt like fire burning," Muhammad tells the BBC once he is able to gather his thoughts.
When he was locked inside, there was standing room only amid humidity levels of more than 90%, which in some circumstances can be dangerous to human health as it prevents the natural cooling mechanism of sweat drying on the skin.
The temperature outside was above 25C and the only ventilation came from a small, high-up window.
"One of us fainted and we started knocking at the [cell] door. When [a guard] came we asked him for water. He looked at the guy that fainted and closed the door. That's how they started dying one after the other," Muhammad says.
Like the others who had been detained, the young man, in his 20s, is an artisanal miner, eking out a living searching for precious metals at mine sites.
The federal government has tried to crack down on this alleged illegal activity as it says it costs the country revenue, damages the environment and can be linked to wider criminal activity.
Officers from the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) had arrested a large group of miners near Minna last Tuesday and Wednesday.
The prisoners were held at its detention centre in the city, but the NSCDC has not shared either the names or the number of those it was holding.
As the hours inside the cell wore on, the heat and dehydration became unbearable and Muhammad says some of the detainees began drinking their own urine and collecting sweat from their bodies to try to stay alive.
He describes seeing people in distress and struggling to breathe.
"People were calling for help, some were already very weak."
But no-one came to help, he and others allege.
"While in the cell, we were shouting and telling them that people were dying," another survivor Adamu Isah told the Reuters news agency.
"We tried to break down the door when they refused to open it… At one point, a security officer came to the door.
"We were shouting and telling him that people were dying, but he said it wasn't his problem if people died."
Finally, on Thursday, the cell door was opened and the guards saw the dead bodies.
The NSCDC has not directly responded to the accusations of neglect and maltreatment but has said that 24 of its personnel are now in custody in connection with the deaths, including its suspended Niger state commandant Suberu Aniviye.
"The people who were killed are not flies. How can this go unlooked? We will get to the bottom of this," Niger state Governor Umaru Bago told the BBC.
As the organisation involved is a federal body rather than a force under his jurisdiction, such as the police, the governor is unable to exert direct influence but he welcomes the investigation that has been ordered by the government in capital, Abuja.
A 10-member committee has now been set-up to determine exactly what happened.
It has two weeks to establish the causes of the deaths and identify who was responsible and can recommend legal action against anyone found culpable.
No officer, regardless of rank, would be protected and any attempt to obstruct the investigation would be taken seriously, Interior Minister Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo said.
As he leaves the cell after talking to the BBC, Muhammad says he hopes that by speaking out he can help find justice and bring some closure to this traumatic event.
By Madina Maishanu, BBC
Tuesday, September 22, 2026
Video - Why millions in Nigeria are risking cancer
On this week's DW News Africa: Why millions in Nigeria are risking cancer and other health issues to put food on the table, as more people turn to spoiled produce amid rising costs.
Video African swine fever outbreak threatens pork supplies in Nigeria
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Nigerian residents protest as hundreds remain captive a month after mass kidnapping
Residents of Nigeria's north-central Niger protested on Monday over the abduction of hundreds of people who they said remained in captivity a month after gunmen attacked several communities in one of the country's largest mass kidnappings.
The protesters, from Dekara and neighbouring communities in Borgu district where residents say armed men abducted about 600 people, mostly women, children and the elderly, converged on the local government headquarters in New Bussa to demand the captives' release.
Borgu, roughly 300 km (186 miles) from the state capital Minna, lies along Nigeria's border with the Republic of Benin to the west.
The protest increases pressure on President Bola Tinubu's government to tackle insecurity, a hot issue ahead of elections in January 2027.
Although Tinubu ordered an immediate rescue operation following the August 21 attacks, the kidnap victims have yet to be found.
"Security agencies have been mobilised, but we are yet to get any response from them. The government is definitely making efforts to rescue the people," Niger State Commissioner for Information Obed Nuhu Nana told Reuters.
'CLOSE TO 700' IN CAPTIVITY
Residents have previously said about 600 people were abducted but authorities have not given a number.
Abdullahi Yahaya Sadauki, president of the Borgu Youths Development Association, said communities now estimated that close to 700 people were being held by kidnappers.
Reuters could not independently verify the figure.
"Let a head count be conducted in the villages. That will be the best way to establish if our claim is true or not," Sadauki said.
Abdulmutallib Dindey, a member of the youth association and among the protesters, said insecurity had restricted residents' access to markets and healthcare.
Hanifa Konkoso, 26, said shops were closed in Borgu despite Monday being a market day as residents observed a shutdown.
"We want the government to take action," she said, adding that residents continue pressing authorities to secure the release of the captives and restore security.
The protesters, from Dekara and neighbouring communities in Borgu district where residents say armed men abducted about 600 people, mostly women, children and the elderly, converged on the local government headquarters in New Bussa to demand the captives' release.
Borgu, roughly 300 km (186 miles) from the state capital Minna, lies along Nigeria's border with the Republic of Benin to the west.
The protest increases pressure on President Bola Tinubu's government to tackle insecurity, a hot issue ahead of elections in January 2027.
Although Tinubu ordered an immediate rescue operation following the August 21 attacks, the kidnap victims have yet to be found.
"Security agencies have been mobilised, but we are yet to get any response from them. The government is definitely making efforts to rescue the people," Niger State Commissioner for Information Obed Nuhu Nana told Reuters.
'CLOSE TO 700' IN CAPTIVITY
Residents have previously said about 600 people were abducted but authorities have not given a number.
Abdullahi Yahaya Sadauki, president of the Borgu Youths Development Association, said communities now estimated that close to 700 people were being held by kidnappers.
Reuters could not independently verify the figure.
"Let a head count be conducted in the villages. That will be the best way to establish if our claim is true or not," Sadauki said.
Abdulmutallib Dindey, a member of the youth association and among the protesters, said insecurity had restricted residents' access to markets and healthcare.
Hanifa Konkoso, 26, said shops were closed in Borgu despite Monday being a market day as residents observed a shutdown.
"We want the government to take action," she said, adding that residents continue pressing authorities to secure the release of the captives and restore security.
By Hamza Ibrahim, Reuters
The Quiet Defection: How Falling Solar Economics Are Triggering Nigeria’s Grid Exodus
Across urban neighborhoods in Nigeria, the familiar morning roar of fossil-fuel generators is steadily giving way to quiet rooftops. Rather than waiting for a turnaround from a chronically unstable power grid, homeowners are staging an unheralded defection. Driven by a historic drop in global solar panel prices and sharp tariff increases, the math behind household energy has permanently shifted: staying hitched to an intermittent central grid backed by petrol has simply become bad business.
The structural weakness of Nigeria’s national grid highlights why this shift was inevitable. Delivering roughly 3,940 megawatts to over 200 million people, the network stands in stark contrast to economies like Egypt and South Africa, which supply tens of thousands of megawatts to far smaller populations. The system remains trapped in a financial stranglehold, with generation companies owed roughly ₦6.8 trillion and upstream gas suppliers withholding fuel over ₦3.3 trillion in unpaid debts. Because thermal stations receive less than half the gas required to run at capacity, frequent grid collapses continue to plague the network, with each nationwide restart draining millions of dollars in emergency operational costs.
For decades, families plugged these daily power outages with private generators. That routine has become an unbearable financial drain, with the average home spending approximately ₦1.5 million each year solely on fuel, oil, and continuous mechanical repairs. In contrast, an upfront investment of around ₦5 million for a quality rooftop solar and inverter setup now reaches full financial breakeven in less than three and a half years. Even though local currency fluctuations have pushed naira hardware costs higher, plunging manufacturing costs out of China have kept the overall proposition attractive, particularly as distribution companies continue adjusting tariffs upward for unreliable supply.
Battery storage remains the most expensive piece of the puzzle, consuming between 35% and 45% of the total installation bill. Installers and consumers are navigating this barrier by smartly rightsizing their systems, scheduling heavy daytime energy demands during peak sunlight hours, and preserving lithium capacity for night-time essentials.
This consumer revolution is not recorded on any formal government ledger or policy dashboard. Instead, it shows up quietly on residential streets, across markets like Computer Village where electronics merchants have pivoted from extension cables to lithium packs, and through local electricians rebranding as solar technicians. As paying middle-class households systematically cut ties with the grid, they leave behind an increasingly underfunded utility network with fewer solvent customers to foot the bill for its long-delayed recovery.
The structural weakness of Nigeria’s national grid highlights why this shift was inevitable. Delivering roughly 3,940 megawatts to over 200 million people, the network stands in stark contrast to economies like Egypt and South Africa, which supply tens of thousands of megawatts to far smaller populations. The system remains trapped in a financial stranglehold, with generation companies owed roughly ₦6.8 trillion and upstream gas suppliers withholding fuel over ₦3.3 trillion in unpaid debts. Because thermal stations receive less than half the gas required to run at capacity, frequent grid collapses continue to plague the network, with each nationwide restart draining millions of dollars in emergency operational costs.
For decades, families plugged these daily power outages with private generators. That routine has become an unbearable financial drain, with the average home spending approximately ₦1.5 million each year solely on fuel, oil, and continuous mechanical repairs. In contrast, an upfront investment of around ₦5 million for a quality rooftop solar and inverter setup now reaches full financial breakeven in less than three and a half years. Even though local currency fluctuations have pushed naira hardware costs higher, plunging manufacturing costs out of China have kept the overall proposition attractive, particularly as distribution companies continue adjusting tariffs upward for unreliable supply.
Battery storage remains the most expensive piece of the puzzle, consuming between 35% and 45% of the total installation bill. Installers and consumers are navigating this barrier by smartly rightsizing their systems, scheduling heavy daytime energy demands during peak sunlight hours, and preserving lithium capacity for night-time essentials.
This consumer revolution is not recorded on any formal government ledger or policy dashboard. Instead, it shows up quietly on residential streets, across markets like Computer Village where electronics merchants have pivoted from extension cables to lithium packs, and through local electricians rebranding as solar technicians. As paying middle-class households systematically cut ties with the grid, they leave behind an increasingly underfunded utility network with fewer solvent customers to foot the bill for its long-delayed recovery.
Nigeria’s refining revolution has a monopoly problem
Nigeria marked a major economic milestone on September 14, 2026, with the opening of the initial public offering (IPO) of Dangote Petroleum Refinery, the largest IPO in African history. Located in the Lekki Free Zone in Lagos, the refinery now has a crude-processing capacity of 700,000 barrels per day, up from 650,000, and cost approximately $20bn to build. It was commissioned in May 2023, while production of diesel and jet fuel began in January 2024, followed by the start of petrol supplies to the local market in September that year.
At the opening of the IPO, Dangote Group president Aliko Dangote said: “We fully share all our prosperity with the people. That’s why we call this the ‘People’s IPO’.” Days earlier, as the IPO documents were signed, he had presented the refinery as part of a broader African industrial project: “The refinery means too much to our continent. We can’t industrialise if we don’t have energy security.”
The contrast with Nigeria’s state-owned refineries could hardly be starker. While construction of the Dangote Refinery was under way, the government-owned facilities in Port Harcourt, Warri and Kaduna continued to struggle amid allegations of corruption, weak operational capacity, chronic political interference and an overreliance on short-term contracting models. Over the past two decades, estimates of spending on rehabilitation and turnaround maintenance range from more than $18bn to as much as $25bn, yet the refineries have remained largely dormant or operated at negligible capacity for much of the past decade.
This failure had severe consequences for Nigeria’s energy sector. For years, the country depended on imports for most of its domestic demand for petroleum products, particularly petrol and diesel. This placed immense pressure on foreign exchange reserves and the national budget, as billions of dollars were spent on fuel subsidies, while leaving the domestic market exposed to global price volatility and recurring fuel shortages.
With the launch of large-scale domestic refining projects such as Dangote, Nigeria has begun to move away from its longstanding reliance on exporting crude oil while importing much of the refined fuel it consumes. This shift has coincided with major reforms in the downstream oil sector. The government eliminated the costly petrol subsidy, allowing prices to move towards market levels, and introduced a “crude-for-naira” mechanism under which domestic refineries could buy crude oil in local currency rather than dollars. The scheme was intended to reduce pressure on foreign exchange and improve the supply of crude to local refiners.
The impact of increased domestic refining is already visible in Nigeria’s fuel trade. The country’s petrol imports have fallen from about 400,000 barrels per day in 2024 to about 83,000bpd this year. While the country has not eliminated its need for imported fuel, its dependence on imports has fallen sharply.
Yet the expansion of domestic refining has not delivered the lower fuel prices many Nigerians expected. Following the removal of the petrol subsidy and the shift towards market-based pricing, petrol prices rose from about 185 naira ($0.14) per litre before the reforms to more than 1,000 naira ($0.75) per litre, with prices continuing to fluctuate according to market conditions. The increase has fed into higher transport and production costs, adding to already severe inflationary pressures and placing a heavy burden on households. The broader cost-of-living crisis has also fuelled repeated protests and trade union action.
Domestic refining does not, by itself, insulate Nigeria from global oil prices or exchange-rate fluctuations. Refineries must still obtain crude at prices linked to international markets, while shortfalls in domestic crude supply have at times forced Dangote to buy part of its feedstock abroad in dollars. This means movements in global oil prices and the naira can still affect the cost of fuel sold domestically.
The severity of the cost-of-living crisis has also prompted questions about whether domestic refining is delivering genuine economic independence or merely replacing dependence on foreign suppliers with dependence on a dominant local producer. Such concerns have been reinforced by repeated public disputes since 2024 involving the Dangote refinery, the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) and the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) over crude supply, fuel import licences and the rules governing the domestic market.
Without effective competition and robust enforcement of existing antimonopoly safeguards, a highly concentrated domestic market risks limiting competitive pressure on prices. Consumers may therefore fail to receive the full benefits that domestic refining should provide, even as dependence on imported petroleum products falls.
Market concentration can also erode some of the cost advantages of domestic production. If a small number of major refiners and suppliers dominate the market, there is less competitive pressure to pass savings on to consumers. Nigerians may therefore see little benefit from reductions in some of the shipping, insurance and other costs previously associated with importing refined fuel.
For common Nigerians, the consequences of higher fuel prices extend far beyond the filling station. Increases in petrol and diesel prices quickly feed into transport costs, the prices of essential goods and the cost of running the generators on which millions of households and businesses still depend. Ultimately, this creates a situation in which domestic refining can generate enormous profits for a small number of powerful players, while common consumers continue to bear the full weight of rising prices and daily inflationary pressures.
At the same time, addressing the crisis requires recognising the challenges facing local refiners. Dangote buys crude at prices linked to the international market and, as a private business, cannot indefinitely absorb high input costs or subsidise fuel prices. The refinery has also faced difficulties securing sufficient crude from Nigerian producers, at times forcing it to make up the shortfall through purchases on the international market.
Many still believe that addressing these problems requires a package of legislative and regulatory measures, alongside the continued implementation of the mechanism allowing refineries to buy crude oil in naira under stable and sustainable terms. This could help shield the domestic market from exchange rate volatility and fluctuations in the US dollar. Others have called for major players to disclose their daily pricing structures and for regulators to ensure non-discriminatory treatment of local distributors and importers.
Accelerating the rehabilitation and return to full-capacity operation of state-owned refineries could also create stronger competition with the private sector. At the same time, providing facilities and incentives for small- and medium-sized refineries across the country could help meet local and regional demand while breaking the dominance of industry giants.
The government could also redirect funds previously spent on fuel subsidies towards improving electricity supply and subsidised public transport, while investing more heavily in healthcare and education. Its efforts to rapidly expand the use of compressed natural gas (CNG) as a cheaper alternative to petrol and diesel could also ease the pressure on consumers, although the programme has yet to deliver results on the scale required.
At the opening of the IPO, Dangote Group president Aliko Dangote said: “We fully share all our prosperity with the people. That’s why we call this the ‘People’s IPO’.” Days earlier, as the IPO documents were signed, he had presented the refinery as part of a broader African industrial project: “The refinery means too much to our continent. We can’t industrialise if we don’t have energy security.”
The contrast with Nigeria’s state-owned refineries could hardly be starker. While construction of the Dangote Refinery was under way, the government-owned facilities in Port Harcourt, Warri and Kaduna continued to struggle amid allegations of corruption, weak operational capacity, chronic political interference and an overreliance on short-term contracting models. Over the past two decades, estimates of spending on rehabilitation and turnaround maintenance range from more than $18bn to as much as $25bn, yet the refineries have remained largely dormant or operated at negligible capacity for much of the past decade.
This failure had severe consequences for Nigeria’s energy sector. For years, the country depended on imports for most of its domestic demand for petroleum products, particularly petrol and diesel. This placed immense pressure on foreign exchange reserves and the national budget, as billions of dollars were spent on fuel subsidies, while leaving the domestic market exposed to global price volatility and recurring fuel shortages.
With the launch of large-scale domestic refining projects such as Dangote, Nigeria has begun to move away from its longstanding reliance on exporting crude oil while importing much of the refined fuel it consumes. This shift has coincided with major reforms in the downstream oil sector. The government eliminated the costly petrol subsidy, allowing prices to move towards market levels, and introduced a “crude-for-naira” mechanism under which domestic refineries could buy crude oil in local currency rather than dollars. The scheme was intended to reduce pressure on foreign exchange and improve the supply of crude to local refiners.
The impact of increased domestic refining is already visible in Nigeria’s fuel trade. The country’s petrol imports have fallen from about 400,000 barrels per day in 2024 to about 83,000bpd this year. While the country has not eliminated its need for imported fuel, its dependence on imports has fallen sharply.
Yet the expansion of domestic refining has not delivered the lower fuel prices many Nigerians expected. Following the removal of the petrol subsidy and the shift towards market-based pricing, petrol prices rose from about 185 naira ($0.14) per litre before the reforms to more than 1,000 naira ($0.75) per litre, with prices continuing to fluctuate according to market conditions. The increase has fed into higher transport and production costs, adding to already severe inflationary pressures and placing a heavy burden on households. The broader cost-of-living crisis has also fuelled repeated protests and trade union action.
Domestic refining does not, by itself, insulate Nigeria from global oil prices or exchange-rate fluctuations. Refineries must still obtain crude at prices linked to international markets, while shortfalls in domestic crude supply have at times forced Dangote to buy part of its feedstock abroad in dollars. This means movements in global oil prices and the naira can still affect the cost of fuel sold domestically.
The severity of the cost-of-living crisis has also prompted questions about whether domestic refining is delivering genuine economic independence or merely replacing dependence on foreign suppliers with dependence on a dominant local producer. Such concerns have been reinforced by repeated public disputes since 2024 involving the Dangote refinery, the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) and the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) over crude supply, fuel import licences and the rules governing the domestic market.
Without effective competition and robust enforcement of existing antimonopoly safeguards, a highly concentrated domestic market risks limiting competitive pressure on prices. Consumers may therefore fail to receive the full benefits that domestic refining should provide, even as dependence on imported petroleum products falls.
Market concentration can also erode some of the cost advantages of domestic production. If a small number of major refiners and suppliers dominate the market, there is less competitive pressure to pass savings on to consumers. Nigerians may therefore see little benefit from reductions in some of the shipping, insurance and other costs previously associated with importing refined fuel.
For common Nigerians, the consequences of higher fuel prices extend far beyond the filling station. Increases in petrol and diesel prices quickly feed into transport costs, the prices of essential goods and the cost of running the generators on which millions of households and businesses still depend. Ultimately, this creates a situation in which domestic refining can generate enormous profits for a small number of powerful players, while common consumers continue to bear the full weight of rising prices and daily inflationary pressures.
At the same time, addressing the crisis requires recognising the challenges facing local refiners. Dangote buys crude at prices linked to the international market and, as a private business, cannot indefinitely absorb high input costs or subsidise fuel prices. The refinery has also faced difficulties securing sufficient crude from Nigerian producers, at times forcing it to make up the shortfall through purchases on the international market.
Many still believe that addressing these problems requires a package of legislative and regulatory measures, alongside the continued implementation of the mechanism allowing refineries to buy crude oil in naira under stable and sustainable terms. This could help shield the domestic market from exchange rate volatility and fluctuations in the US dollar. Others have called for major players to disclose their daily pricing structures and for regulators to ensure non-discriminatory treatment of local distributors and importers.
Accelerating the rehabilitation and return to full-capacity operation of state-owned refineries could also create stronger competition with the private sector. At the same time, providing facilities and incentives for small- and medium-sized refineries across the country could help meet local and regional demand while breaking the dominance of industry giants.
The government could also redirect funds previously spent on fuel subsidies towards improving electricity supply and subsidised public transport, while investing more heavily in healthcare and education. Its efforts to rapidly expand the use of compressed natural gas (CNG) as a cheaper alternative to petrol and diesel could also ease the pressure on consumers, although the programme has yet to deliver results on the scale required.
By Hakeem Najimdeen, Al Jazeera
Monday, September 21, 2026
Video - Surviving Nigerian miners recount ordeal in detention after 37 deaths
Surviving Nigerian miners recount ordeal in detention after 37 deaths 37 individuals, suspected of working as illegal miners, died in custody in Nigeria in recent days, prompting the government to name a committee to investigate the situation. The survivors recount their harrowing ordeal in detention.
Video - Aliko Dangote: Refining Nigeria’s oil, helping Africa, and creating wealth
Nigerian billionaire businessman Aliko Dangote says building his refinery was the hardest challenge he’s faced, but he never considered giving up.
For decades, Nigeria - Africa’s biggest oil producer - spent billions of dollars importing refined petroleum products because its state-owned refineries were barely functioning.
Dangote, who is Africa’s richest man, says his refinery has made his country less dependent on imported fuel.
Since the February 28 launch of the US-Israel war on Iran, the facility has seen an increase in demand for its jet fuel due to disruptions to global energy supplies.
Dangote wants to double the refinery’s processing capacity and says he’s listing the company on the Nigerian stock exchange to create wealth for ordinary citizens.
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The world’s wealthiest Black man rejects criticism that he’s creating a monopoly. Dangote says his goal is to make Africa great and to make the continent more self-sufficient and less reliant on imports.
Friday, September 18, 2026
Nigerian court sentence South African citizen to 40 years in prison for drug trafficking
A Federal High Court in Abuja, Nigeria's capital, has sentenced a South African national to 40 years in prison after finding her guilty of trafficking 5.75 kilograms of heroin into the country through the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport in Abuja.
The court convicted 38-year-old Jessica Ann Will on Thursday, September 17.
Justice Obiora Egwuatu, who convicted and sentenced Will after she entered a guilty plea, stated that crime does not pay and emphasized that the court must follow statutory legal procedures unswayed by emotion.
The National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) arraigned Will on two counts: unlawful importation of 5.75 kg of heroin and conspiracy to import the narcotics into Nigeria—offenses punishable under Section 14 of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency Act, Cap N30, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 2004.
Justice Egwuatu handed down a 15-year prison sentence on count one and 25 years on count two, totaling 40 years. However, the sentences will run concurrently, meaning she will serve a maximum term of 25 years.
Following the conviction, the prosecution urged the court to factor in the narcotics' street value when determining the sentence, noting that a single kilogram of heroin sells for roughly ₦18 million.
Allowed an allocutus to plead for leniency, Will expressed remorse, promised never to repeat the offense, and claimed she was unaware that illicit substances were hidden inside her luggage.
Reacting to the ruling, the Chairman/Chief Executive Officer of the NDLEA, retired Brigadier-General Mohamed Buba Marwa, praised the judgment as evidence of the Nigerian judiciary’s unwavering support for the agency’s war against illicit narcotics, warning that Nigeria will never offer a soft landing to international drug cartels. He added that the swift progression from arrest to conviction demonstrates the operational efficiency of the NDLEA and its close coordination with the court.
NDLEA operatives arrested Will on Monday, July 6, 2026, after discovering 14 large blocks of heroin weighing 5.75 kg hidden inside her bags. The agency noted that she attempted to use her three-year-old son as a cover to divert suspicion and evade strict security checks.
According to the NDLEA, officers intercepted her during passenger clearance on Qatar Airways flight QR 1433 from Doha to Abuja. The suspect initially claimed she had no checked baggage, but investigators quickly matched two suspicious suitcases containing the heroin blocks to luggage tags tied to her passport.
The NDLEA stated that Will belongs to a transnational syndicate operated alongside her husband or partner, Jan Coenraad De Jager. The pair were based in Cambodia, running a narcotics pipeline along the Cambodian–South African route. South African law enforcement subsequently arrested De Jager in Johannesburg on July 27, 2026, as he allegedly attempted to traffic 3.2 kg of illicit narcotics to Hong Kong.
Nigerian police probe death in custody of 37 illegal mining suspects
Nigerian police have launched an investigation into the deaths of 37 people who were in custody after being arrested for illegal mining.
Officials on Thursday linked the deaths to an outbreak of disease. However, the AFP news agency said that an intelligence report suggested that overcrowding and poor ventilation inside the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) detention facility in the northeastern Niger State may have been to blame.
The suspects were arrested during an operation targeting illegal mining on Tuesday and Wednesday, the head of the NSCDC in Niger State, Suberu Siyaka Aniviye, said in a statement. The region is known for small-scale gold mining.
Officials suspect disease was the cause of the deaths, Aniviye said, noting the bodies have been sent for “further medical examination to establish the actual cause of death.” He did not elaborate on the type of disease suspected.
However, survivor Dauda Shehu told The Associated Press news agency that 65 detainees were packed into a poorly ventilated cell, suggesting they may have suffocated.
“We were jam-packed and there was no ventilation for us to breathe well,” Shehu said. “All of a sudden, we realised that we could not breathe and we started scrambling to get fresh air.”
Speaking at the Minna General Hospital, where the bodies were sent for examination, Shehu said the detainees tried to get the attention of the security agency’s guards by banging on the cell door.
Investigators have urged relatives of the victims to come forward with any information that could help.
Niger State Governor Farmer Mohammed Umaru Bago has announced three days of mourning, calling the deaths “sad and tragic”.
Protests were reported to have broken out on Thursday evening, with police responding by firing tear gas. Local outlets reported that NSCDC commander Aniviye has been suspended.
Officials on Thursday linked the deaths to an outbreak of disease. However, the AFP news agency said that an intelligence report suggested that overcrowding and poor ventilation inside the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) detention facility in the northeastern Niger State may have been to blame.
The suspects were arrested during an operation targeting illegal mining on Tuesday and Wednesday, the head of the NSCDC in Niger State, Suberu Siyaka Aniviye, said in a statement. The region is known for small-scale gold mining.
Officials suspect disease was the cause of the deaths, Aniviye said, noting the bodies have been sent for “further medical examination to establish the actual cause of death.” He did not elaborate on the type of disease suspected.
However, survivor Dauda Shehu told The Associated Press news agency that 65 detainees were packed into a poorly ventilated cell, suggesting they may have suffocated.
“We were jam-packed and there was no ventilation for us to breathe well,” Shehu said. “All of a sudden, we realised that we could not breathe and we started scrambling to get fresh air.”
Speaking at the Minna General Hospital, where the bodies were sent for examination, Shehu said the detainees tried to get the attention of the security agency’s guards by banging on the cell door.
Investigators have urged relatives of the victims to come forward with any information that could help.
Niger State Governor Farmer Mohammed Umaru Bago has announced three days of mourning, calling the deaths “sad and tragic”.
Protests were reported to have broken out on Thursday evening, with police responding by firing tear gas. Local outlets reported that NSCDC commander Aniviye has been suspended.
Related story: Toxic gas leak at mine in Nigeria kills at least 37 miners
Thursday, September 17, 2026
At least 48 dead in Nigeria after consuming drink suspected to contain methanol
At least 48 people have died and around 100 others are receiving treatment in southern Nigeria after consuming a drink suspected to contain methanol, officials said on Thursday.
Banji Ajaka, Ondo state’s commissioner for health, said the cases had been reported in the Odigbo and Irele local government areas. A total of 182 people are believed to have been affected, he said.
“This thing happened rapidly. Once they consume, depending on the quantity, the kidneys will pack up, the eyes will go, the brain will be damaged,” Ajaka told The Associated Press.
Some of those who became ill after consuming the liquid have since been discharged from hospital, he added.
Ondo state police spokesman Abayomi Jimoh said one of 15 people who have been arrested in connection with the incident had been producing drink “suspected to contain methanol and is currently assisting the police with investigations.”
Local media reports said the first death was reported nearly two weeks ago.
Banji Ajaka, Ondo state’s commissioner for health, said the cases had been reported in the Odigbo and Irele local government areas. A total of 182 people are believed to have been affected, he said.
“This thing happened rapidly. Once they consume, depending on the quantity, the kidneys will pack up, the eyes will go, the brain will be damaged,” Ajaka told The Associated Press.
Some of those who became ill after consuming the liquid have since been discharged from hospital, he added.
Ondo state police spokesman Abayomi Jimoh said one of 15 people who have been arrested in connection with the incident had been producing drink “suspected to contain methanol and is currently assisting the police with investigations.”
Local media reports said the first death was reported nearly two weeks ago.
By Dyepkazah Shibayan, AP
Dangote IPO tests Nigeria's fintech infrastructure as investor demand overwhelms platforms
Several Nigerian digital investment platforms suffered outages as retail investors rushed to buy shares in Dangote Petroleum Refinery, highlighting the strain Africa's largest-ever share sale is placing on fintech infrastructure.
Regulators and market participants have urged first-time investors to be cautious as the record $1.6 billion offering, launched this week by Aliko Dangote, seeks broad public participation through banks, mobile operators and fintech platforms.
Neither Dangote nor the underwriters have provided any figures for demand for the shares. However, the disruptions point to strong retail investor interest in the offer and illustrate the growing role fintech firms may play in widening access to Nigeria's capital markets.
When the IPO launched on Monday, Temi Popoola, CEO of NGX Group, said demand was so high that some investment apps crashed.
"I think this particular IPO is stress testing Nigeria's financial infrastructure across the board. Us fintechs are being tested to take this massive amount of traffic," Yanmo Omorogbe, co-founder and chief operating officer at one of the largest platforms, Bamboo, told Reuters.
Omorogbe said Bamboo faced outages after traffic on Bamboo's app surged to 10 times normal levels within 30 minutes of the IPO going live on Monday. The spike also affected some of Bamboo's third-party service providers, compounding the disruption.
"So you have almost a perfect storm, or should we say an imperfect storm, of massive influx of customers, third-party providers, and then multiple retries, creating even more demand on our system," Omorogbe said. "And to be very, very honest, our system broke."
MILLIONS EXPECTED TO BUY SHARES
Users of other platforms that allow digital share subscriptions, including Cowrywise and InvestNaija, also reported difficulties accessing services and executing transactions.
Oluwayinka Alaje, who runs a small printing shop in Abuja, said his attempt to buy Dangote shares on Bamboo had failed and he was only able to use another app late at night.
InvestNaija directed users to its WhatsApp channel after its platform was overwhelmed.
Bamboo and InvestNaija said their platforms were operating normally by Wednesday. Cowrywise did not respond to requests for comment.
Some stockbrokers, including Chapel Hill Denham, are also using WhatsApp to reach potential investors. Chapel Hill Denham did not respond to a request for comment.
Betting that digital distribution channels will help attract millions of investors, including Nigerians who have never owned shares and those with limited access to traditional banking services, Dangote told local television he expects 10 million people to buy shares in the refinery.
Dangote has marketed it as a "people's IPO" - an opportunity to share the benefits of his business's growth, with the minimum investment set at just 10 shares or around $4 - a lower threshold than in previous IPOs.
The refinery, which cost more than $20 billion to build, has emerged as a key supplier of fuel to Europe following disruptions to Middle East exports. It increased fuel exports this year during the crisis, delivering a net profit of $1.82 billion in the first half of 2026 on revenue of more than $13 billion, according to its prospectus.
"ALL SORTS OF SCAMS"
The rush to buy into one of Africa's most significant industrial projects could create opportunities for fraudsters to target investors through phishing attempts, fake investment websites and impersonation scams designed to exploit the inexperienced.
"Somebody can create all sorts of scams. By the time people know about it, the guys have left town," said Bismarck Rewane, chief executive of Lagos-based Financial Derivatives Company.
The Securities and Exchange Commission has called on investors to be wary before they transfer funds or provide any personal information. The SEC has not reported any cases of fraud.
Analysts say the risks may be especially acute for first-time investors using mobile applications, where the speed and simplicity of digital transactions can make it harder to distinguish legitimate offers from fraudulent ones.
By Macdonald Dzirutwe, Reuters
Regulators and market participants have urged first-time investors to be cautious as the record $1.6 billion offering, launched this week by Aliko Dangote, seeks broad public participation through banks, mobile operators and fintech platforms.
Neither Dangote nor the underwriters have provided any figures for demand for the shares. However, the disruptions point to strong retail investor interest in the offer and illustrate the growing role fintech firms may play in widening access to Nigeria's capital markets.
When the IPO launched on Monday, Temi Popoola, CEO of NGX Group, said demand was so high that some investment apps crashed.
"I think this particular IPO is stress testing Nigeria's financial infrastructure across the board. Us fintechs are being tested to take this massive amount of traffic," Yanmo Omorogbe, co-founder and chief operating officer at one of the largest platforms, Bamboo, told Reuters.
Omorogbe said Bamboo faced outages after traffic on Bamboo's app surged to 10 times normal levels within 30 minutes of the IPO going live on Monday. The spike also affected some of Bamboo's third-party service providers, compounding the disruption.
"So you have almost a perfect storm, or should we say an imperfect storm, of massive influx of customers, third-party providers, and then multiple retries, creating even more demand on our system," Omorogbe said. "And to be very, very honest, our system broke."
MILLIONS EXPECTED TO BUY SHARES
Users of other platforms that allow digital share subscriptions, including Cowrywise and InvestNaija, also reported difficulties accessing services and executing transactions.
Oluwayinka Alaje, who runs a small printing shop in Abuja, said his attempt to buy Dangote shares on Bamboo had failed and he was only able to use another app late at night.
InvestNaija directed users to its WhatsApp channel after its platform was overwhelmed.
Bamboo and InvestNaija said their platforms were operating normally by Wednesday. Cowrywise did not respond to requests for comment.
Some stockbrokers, including Chapel Hill Denham, are also using WhatsApp to reach potential investors. Chapel Hill Denham did not respond to a request for comment.
Betting that digital distribution channels will help attract millions of investors, including Nigerians who have never owned shares and those with limited access to traditional banking services, Dangote told local television he expects 10 million people to buy shares in the refinery.
Dangote has marketed it as a "people's IPO" - an opportunity to share the benefits of his business's growth, with the minimum investment set at just 10 shares or around $4 - a lower threshold than in previous IPOs.
The refinery, which cost more than $20 billion to build, has emerged as a key supplier of fuel to Europe following disruptions to Middle East exports. It increased fuel exports this year during the crisis, delivering a net profit of $1.82 billion in the first half of 2026 on revenue of more than $13 billion, according to its prospectus.
"ALL SORTS OF SCAMS"
The rush to buy into one of Africa's most significant industrial projects could create opportunities for fraudsters to target investors through phishing attempts, fake investment websites and impersonation scams designed to exploit the inexperienced.
"Somebody can create all sorts of scams. By the time people know about it, the guys have left town," said Bismarck Rewane, chief executive of Lagos-based Financial Derivatives Company.
The Securities and Exchange Commission has called on investors to be wary before they transfer funds or provide any personal information. The SEC has not reported any cases of fraud.
Analysts say the risks may be especially acute for first-time investors using mobile applications, where the speed and simplicity of digital transactions can make it harder to distinguish legitimate offers from fraudulent ones.
Related story: Video - Dangote Refinery launches Nigeria's largest-ever IPO
Wednesday, September 16, 2026
Video - Dangote Refinery launches Nigeria's largest-ever IPO
Aliko Dangote launched an initial public offering for his refinery, seeking to raise $1.6 billion in what is being billed as Africa's largest share sale. If the offer is oversubscribed, a green-shoe option could increase the fundraising target to $2.1 billion, with ordinary Nigerians able to subscribe from as little as 10 shares.
Related story: Africa's richest man Dangote's IPO out of reach in Nigeria
Nigeria Arrests Chinese Nationals in Illegal Fishing Crackdown
The Nigerian Navy and Federal Department of Fisheries and Aquaculture (FDFA) arrested 33 people, including three Chinese nationals, in late August as part of a three-day initiative known as Exercise Coastal Grip II and Operation Abo Eja.
It was not immediately clear what the Chinese nationals did on the vessels, but Chinese fishing captains have committed illegal, unregulated and unreported (IUU) fishing in the Gulf of Guinea for decades. Also arrested were two Ghanaians and 28 Nigerians. Chinese captains routinely hire African workers.
The operation involved naval ships, helicopters, Special Boat Service personnel and maritime surveillance assets, and was coordinated through the Western Naval Command Mission Control Centre, Nigeria’s Channels Television reported. Fisheries officials offered technical guidance.
“The Operation has demonstrated the importance of maintaining a strong presence at sea, as regular and credible surveillance creates deterrent and encourages compliance amongst the legitimate operators and provides the authorities with valuable information on the activities taking place on the Nigerian maritime jurisdictions,” Adeleke Adegoke, FDFA deputy director, said in a Radio Nigeria report.
After the arrests, Nigerian Navy Rear Adm. Abubakar Mustapha told reporters that IUU fishing has reduced the country’s fish stocks to the extent that it now imports more than 70% of its “fishery needs.”
“So, the partnership between the Nigerian Navy and the [FDFA] is a step in the right direction,” Mustapha said in a Channels Television report. “In fact, the days of illegal fishers and poachers are numbered because the intersection of security, which the Navy brings, and regulation, which the [FDFA] brings to the table, would translate to the denial of these criminal activities, and which will also translate to more revenue and more food security.”
Nigeria loses about $70 million annually to illegal fishing perpetrated by a host of foreign fleets. Beijing commands the world’s largest distant-water fishing fleet and is the world’s worst illegal fishing offender, according to the IUU Fishing Risk Index. Due mostly to illegal Chinese fishing vessels, West Africa has become the world’s epicenter for IUU fishing. It costs the region an estimated $10 billion a year, according to a Stimson Center think tank report.
Chinese vessels commit many fishing violations, including bottom trawling, which involves dragging a net along the sea floor, indiscriminately scooping up marine life. This kills juvenile fish, decimates fish stocks and destroys ecosystems.
Beijing’s vessels also commonly fish illegally in countries’ exclusive economic zones and abuse local rules to enter African fishing registries under local flags. This is known as flagging in, or flying a flag of convenience. It helps a vessel’s owners dodge financial charges and other regulations.
Beijing recently refused to sign the Mombasa Declaration, an agreement meant to improve efforts to combat illegal fishing in East Africa. Steve Trent, CEO and co-founder of the Environmental Justice Foundation, said the Chinese government has taken a disingenuous approach regarding its fishing fleet.
“It’s simply not credible for them to carry on in this way,” Trent told the BBC in July. “China, to date, still is not doing nearly enough to control its fleet. In fact, I would say they’re enabling it, through subsidies, through a lack of oversight and control.”
Nigeria and other West African nations are collaborating to halt illegal fishing. On June 1, the Combined Maritime Task Force (CMTF) was established to address IUU fishing and other regional sea crimes. Côte d’Ivoire, The Gambia, Ghana, Liberia and Sierra Leone joined Nigeria in signing the pact. The CMTF will be the first joint, African-led maritime security effort to include a rapid response force.
The force will be headquartered in Lagos and is expected to conduct intelligence, interdiction, patrols, surveillance, search and rescue missions, and other security operations. According to the Institute for Security Studies, Nigeria is the only country so far to contribute to the fleet, with one helicopter, two vans, two pickup trucks, three ships and three military trucks. The force will work closely with the West Africa Regional Maritime Security Center and the Central African Regional Maritime Safety Center.
It was not immediately clear what the Chinese nationals did on the vessels, but Chinese fishing captains have committed illegal, unregulated and unreported (IUU) fishing in the Gulf of Guinea for decades. Also arrested were two Ghanaians and 28 Nigerians. Chinese captains routinely hire African workers.
The operation involved naval ships, helicopters, Special Boat Service personnel and maritime surveillance assets, and was coordinated through the Western Naval Command Mission Control Centre, Nigeria’s Channels Television reported. Fisheries officials offered technical guidance.
“The Operation has demonstrated the importance of maintaining a strong presence at sea, as regular and credible surveillance creates deterrent and encourages compliance amongst the legitimate operators and provides the authorities with valuable information on the activities taking place on the Nigerian maritime jurisdictions,” Adeleke Adegoke, FDFA deputy director, said in a Radio Nigeria report.
After the arrests, Nigerian Navy Rear Adm. Abubakar Mustapha told reporters that IUU fishing has reduced the country’s fish stocks to the extent that it now imports more than 70% of its “fishery needs.”
“So, the partnership between the Nigerian Navy and the [FDFA] is a step in the right direction,” Mustapha said in a Channels Television report. “In fact, the days of illegal fishers and poachers are numbered because the intersection of security, which the Navy brings, and regulation, which the [FDFA] brings to the table, would translate to the denial of these criminal activities, and which will also translate to more revenue and more food security.”
Nigeria loses about $70 million annually to illegal fishing perpetrated by a host of foreign fleets. Beijing commands the world’s largest distant-water fishing fleet and is the world’s worst illegal fishing offender, according to the IUU Fishing Risk Index. Due mostly to illegal Chinese fishing vessels, West Africa has become the world’s epicenter for IUU fishing. It costs the region an estimated $10 billion a year, according to a Stimson Center think tank report.
Chinese vessels commit many fishing violations, including bottom trawling, which involves dragging a net along the sea floor, indiscriminately scooping up marine life. This kills juvenile fish, decimates fish stocks and destroys ecosystems.
Beijing’s vessels also commonly fish illegally in countries’ exclusive economic zones and abuse local rules to enter African fishing registries under local flags. This is known as flagging in, or flying a flag of convenience. It helps a vessel’s owners dodge financial charges and other regulations.
Beijing recently refused to sign the Mombasa Declaration, an agreement meant to improve efforts to combat illegal fishing in East Africa. Steve Trent, CEO and co-founder of the Environmental Justice Foundation, said the Chinese government has taken a disingenuous approach regarding its fishing fleet.
“It’s simply not credible for them to carry on in this way,” Trent told the BBC in July. “China, to date, still is not doing nearly enough to control its fleet. In fact, I would say they’re enabling it, through subsidies, through a lack of oversight and control.”
Nigeria and other West African nations are collaborating to halt illegal fishing. On June 1, the Combined Maritime Task Force (CMTF) was established to address IUU fishing and other regional sea crimes. Côte d’Ivoire, The Gambia, Ghana, Liberia and Sierra Leone joined Nigeria in signing the pact. The CMTF will be the first joint, African-led maritime security effort to include a rapid response force.
The force will be headquartered in Lagos and is expected to conduct intelligence, interdiction, patrols, surveillance, search and rescue missions, and other security operations. According to the Institute for Security Studies, Nigeria is the only country so far to contribute to the fleet, with one helicopter, two vans, two pickup trucks, three ships and three military trucks. The force will work closely with the West Africa Regional Maritime Security Center and the Central African Regional Maritime Safety Center.
Beyond Drug Seizures: What Nigeria’s Meth Labs Reveal About the Flow of Transnational Crime
The recent discovery of covert methamphetamine laboratories in southwestern Nigeria should not be viewed simply as another successful drug raid. Instead, these operations provide a glimpse into an emerging reality, revealing a fundamental shift in how transnational criminal organizations are actively adapting their production models, expanding their geographic footprint, and embedding themselves deeper within West Africa.
In June 2026, Nigeria’s National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) uncovered an industrial-scale methamphetamine laboratory hidden within a forested area of Oyo State, arresting a Mexican national alongside four Nigerian accomplices. The operation came only weeks after authorities dismantled a Nigerian-Mexican methamphetamine syndicate operating another clandestine laboratory in Ogun State, resulting in the arrest of three Mexican nationals and six Nigerians.
The presence of foreign meth “cooks” operating in Nigeria is particularly significant. It shows that criminal networks are not merely using West Africa as a transit corridor for narcotics, but increasingly as a production hub. This shift suggests a deliberate strategy: relocating portions of the drug manufacturing chain closer to the markets, exploiting areas perceived as lower-risk operating environments, and diversifying logistics networks to improve concealment from law enforcement. If drug production can occur in Africa to supply both the African and European markets, it reduces the maritime visibility of the supply chains. Precursor chemicals can come from other parts of the world, complicating patterns of maritime drug enforcement in the region that have been working to improve their effectiveness in recent years and testing the legislation of coastal states.
The maritime dimension of this shift deserves closer scrutiny. The move from trafficking finished products across oceans to producing drugs closer to destination markets does not make the maritime angle disappear; it changes what security agencies and authorities need to detect. A laboratory hidden inland may have no obvious narcotics signature at the port, yet the production chain will still depend on the movement of raw material or precursor chemicals, equipment, solvents, financing and other inputs across borders. The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) has documented how precursor chemicals can enter West Africa through commercial channels and then be relocated to the site that is most logistically convenient, complicating efforts to differentiate between legitimate commerce and illicit diversion. Nigeria’s current enforcement experience also shows how central the maritime domain remains: in June and July 2026, NDLEA reported major seizures at Lagos ports involving containers that had moved through multiple international transshipment points before reaching Nigeria. The implication is that maritime enforcement cannot focus only on identifying finished narcotics. It increasingly has to understand the wider supply chain that makes inland production possible. That places greater importance on intelligence sharing among customs, port authorities, navies, coast guards, police forces, drug-enforcement agencies and international partners, particularly where legitimate commercial cargo can provide cover for illicit movements.
Two Mexican criminal organizations are driving this expansion: the Sinaloa Cartel and the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG). According to Vanda Felbab-Brown of the Brookings Institution, the Sinaloa Cartel pioneered the African cocaine corridor, focusing initially on routing cocaine through Africa into Europe. CJNG followed with a characteristically more brutal and intense approach, an organization described by the International Institute for Strategic Studies as “more aggressive, ruthless and less willing to negotiate with rival power centers when moving into new territory,” with a presence on every continent except Antarctica.
Historically, West Africa’s role in the global narcotics trade has centered on transshipment. The region became an important corridor for cocaine moving from South America to Europe and, increasingly, for synthetic drugs destined for international markets. However, recent events show the region in an active phase which has been tested before, one in which it is becoming a site of industrial-scale production itself.
The choice of remote forest locations for these labs is equally telling. Such areas provide concealment from authorities, reduce the likelihood of accidental discovery, and allow criminal groups to establish secure operating bases with minimal scrutiny. This mirrors trends observed elsewhere in the world, where organized crime groups have increasingly moved production facilities away from certain areas into isolated environments that offer operational security.
The involvement of Mexican nationals also raises important questions about knowledge transfer. The global methamphetamine trade relies heavily on technical expertise and specialized production methods. As foreign criminal actors establish themselves in West Africa, there exists the possibility that these skills could gradually be transferred to local criminal networks, reducing dependence on external expertise and potentially enabling indigenous production capabilities to emerge over time. This might not be accidental, but could be a franchise model, where international expertise is embedded locally to build sustainable capacity.
A consequential question may be whether specialized knowledge becomes locally reproducible. The arrest of a foreign methamphetamine expert is an important enforcement success, but the long-term strategic concern is what happens if foreign expertise is gradually converted into local capability. Nigeria already has established chemical, pharmaceutical and logistics sectors, and UNODC has noted the country’s capacity to produce synthetic drugs alongside its role as an importer of precursor chemicals for legitimate pharmaceutical activity. That dual-use environment creates a difficult enforcement problem: the same commercial ecosystems that support legitimate industry can also provide knowledge, materials, equipment or logistical services that criminal actors may seek to exploit. The concern is not that legitimate industry is inherently complicit, but that criminal networks can draw on expertise and infrastructure that already exist. Over time, this could make production more resilient, because the network would no longer depend on a small number of foreign specialists. What begins as imported expertise could become embedded capability.
With distinctive drug production – particularly West African Kush and some forms of cannabis resin – already creating new directions in drug flows from Africa to other parts of the world, including to Latin America and the Caribbean, the expansion of drug production in Nigeria could spell trouble. In a country known for innovation and enterprise, establishing domestic illicit drug-making facilities could help fuel not only a growing demand for drugs in the African market, but a global demand for novel substances.
From a strategic perspective, these events may reflect broader changes within the global narcotics economy. Intensified counter-narcotics operations in the Americas, increasing maritime interdiction efforts, and heightened surveillance of established trafficking corridors have forced criminal organizations to adapt. Organized crime thrives on flexibility. When one route becomes difficult, another is created. When one production center becomes too risky, new locations emerge.
Africa may increasingly present itself as an attractive alternative offering lower operational risks, growing consumer markets, enforcement capacities gaps in certain jurisdictions, and access to new smuggling networks. The continent’s extensive coastline, busy commercial ports, and historical role in illicit trafficking routes also provide opportunities for integrating locally produced narcotics into existing maritime logistics chains.
This is where the issue transcends narcotics enforcement and becomes a broader security concern. Drug trafficking networks are rarely isolated enterprises. They are interconnected with money laundering, corruption, arms trafficking, document fraud, prostitution and sex trafficking and other forms of organized crime. The same criminal ecosystems that move drugs can also facilitate other illicit activities that undermine governance and regional security.
These developments deserve close attention. The recent events on industrial-scale drug production in Nigeria highlight how transnational criminal networks continue to adapt and exploit gaps across both land and maritime domains. While the laboratories themselves may be hidden deep within forests, the networks that sustain them are inherently transnational, relying on logistics, financial flows, and trafficking routes that extend far beyond Nigeria’s borders.
There is, of course, an irony to all of this. As global supply chains begin to crack and break under the strains caused by various strategic shocks (most notably conflicts at critical maritime choke points currently impeding the flow of about 20% of global energy), we see a general trend towards shrinking supply chains. By localizing food supply chains and others that are critical for human needs, we can potentially avoid the long shipment requirements, costs, and uncertainties around accessing goods in the globalized marketplace.
Drug cartels seem to be doing something similar while, at the same time, diversifying their footprint so as to ensure greater business resiliency and continuity amid these turbulent times. As many of the counter-narcotics entities, agencies, and mechanisms are focused on historic styles of drug flow, the cartels will likely have an advantage for some time, waiting for bureaucratic mechanisms to catch up and change mandates to focus on the necessary elements, including precursor chemicals and African-origin drugs. The question is how much damage can be done during that time delay?
The latest NDLEA operations are therefore more than drug seizures; they are indicators of an active threat environment. They suggest that West Africa’s role in the global narcotics trade is changing from a corridor of transit to a node of production.
Ebunoluwa George Ojo-Ami is a senior analyst specializing in maritime security, intelligence analysis, and unmanned systems across Africa’s maritime domain. His expertise spans Gulf of Guinea security dynamics, OSINT-driven intelligence analysis, maritime domain awareness, port and offshore security, drone threats, and the evolving use of unmanned systems in maritime security and operations by both state and non-state actors across Africa. His analysis has been featured in international security and maritime publications, and he has previously appeared on CIMSEC’s Sea Control podcast to discuss security challenges in the Gulf of Guinea.
Dr. Ian Ralby is President of Auxilium Worldwide, a charitable nonprofit that, among other things, focuses on ocean governance, and he is CEO of I.R. Consilium, a maritime and resource security consultancy. He is a globally recognized expert in maritime law and security and has worked in over 100 countries around the world, including having done extensive work on counter narcotics in the Caribbean and the Gulf of Guinea.
By Ebunoluwa George Ojo-Ami and Dr. Ian Ralby, CIMSEC
Video - Court visits jungle lab at center of Nigeria's biggest meth bust
In June 2026, Nigeria’s National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) uncovered an industrial-scale methamphetamine laboratory hidden within a forested area of Oyo State, arresting a Mexican national alongside four Nigerian accomplices. The operation came only weeks after authorities dismantled a Nigerian-Mexican methamphetamine syndicate operating another clandestine laboratory in Ogun State, resulting in the arrest of three Mexican nationals and six Nigerians.
The presence of foreign meth “cooks” operating in Nigeria is particularly significant. It shows that criminal networks are not merely using West Africa as a transit corridor for narcotics, but increasingly as a production hub. This shift suggests a deliberate strategy: relocating portions of the drug manufacturing chain closer to the markets, exploiting areas perceived as lower-risk operating environments, and diversifying logistics networks to improve concealment from law enforcement. If drug production can occur in Africa to supply both the African and European markets, it reduces the maritime visibility of the supply chains. Precursor chemicals can come from other parts of the world, complicating patterns of maritime drug enforcement in the region that have been working to improve their effectiveness in recent years and testing the legislation of coastal states.
The maritime dimension of this shift deserves closer scrutiny. The move from trafficking finished products across oceans to producing drugs closer to destination markets does not make the maritime angle disappear; it changes what security agencies and authorities need to detect. A laboratory hidden inland may have no obvious narcotics signature at the port, yet the production chain will still depend on the movement of raw material or precursor chemicals, equipment, solvents, financing and other inputs across borders. The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) has documented how precursor chemicals can enter West Africa through commercial channels and then be relocated to the site that is most logistically convenient, complicating efforts to differentiate between legitimate commerce and illicit diversion. Nigeria’s current enforcement experience also shows how central the maritime domain remains: in June and July 2026, NDLEA reported major seizures at Lagos ports involving containers that had moved through multiple international transshipment points before reaching Nigeria. The implication is that maritime enforcement cannot focus only on identifying finished narcotics. It increasingly has to understand the wider supply chain that makes inland production possible. That places greater importance on intelligence sharing among customs, port authorities, navies, coast guards, police forces, drug-enforcement agencies and international partners, particularly where legitimate commercial cargo can provide cover for illicit movements.
Two Mexican criminal organizations are driving this expansion: the Sinaloa Cartel and the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG). According to Vanda Felbab-Brown of the Brookings Institution, the Sinaloa Cartel pioneered the African cocaine corridor, focusing initially on routing cocaine through Africa into Europe. CJNG followed with a characteristically more brutal and intense approach, an organization described by the International Institute for Strategic Studies as “more aggressive, ruthless and less willing to negotiate with rival power centers when moving into new territory,” with a presence on every continent except Antarctica.
Historically, West Africa’s role in the global narcotics trade has centered on transshipment. The region became an important corridor for cocaine moving from South America to Europe and, increasingly, for synthetic drugs destined for international markets. However, recent events show the region in an active phase which has been tested before, one in which it is becoming a site of industrial-scale production itself.
The choice of remote forest locations for these labs is equally telling. Such areas provide concealment from authorities, reduce the likelihood of accidental discovery, and allow criminal groups to establish secure operating bases with minimal scrutiny. This mirrors trends observed elsewhere in the world, where organized crime groups have increasingly moved production facilities away from certain areas into isolated environments that offer operational security.
The involvement of Mexican nationals also raises important questions about knowledge transfer. The global methamphetamine trade relies heavily on technical expertise and specialized production methods. As foreign criminal actors establish themselves in West Africa, there exists the possibility that these skills could gradually be transferred to local criminal networks, reducing dependence on external expertise and potentially enabling indigenous production capabilities to emerge over time. This might not be accidental, but could be a franchise model, where international expertise is embedded locally to build sustainable capacity.
A consequential question may be whether specialized knowledge becomes locally reproducible. The arrest of a foreign methamphetamine expert is an important enforcement success, but the long-term strategic concern is what happens if foreign expertise is gradually converted into local capability. Nigeria already has established chemical, pharmaceutical and logistics sectors, and UNODC has noted the country’s capacity to produce synthetic drugs alongside its role as an importer of precursor chemicals for legitimate pharmaceutical activity. That dual-use environment creates a difficult enforcement problem: the same commercial ecosystems that support legitimate industry can also provide knowledge, materials, equipment or logistical services that criminal actors may seek to exploit. The concern is not that legitimate industry is inherently complicit, but that criminal networks can draw on expertise and infrastructure that already exist. Over time, this could make production more resilient, because the network would no longer depend on a small number of foreign specialists. What begins as imported expertise could become embedded capability.
With distinctive drug production – particularly West African Kush and some forms of cannabis resin – already creating new directions in drug flows from Africa to other parts of the world, including to Latin America and the Caribbean, the expansion of drug production in Nigeria could spell trouble. In a country known for innovation and enterprise, establishing domestic illicit drug-making facilities could help fuel not only a growing demand for drugs in the African market, but a global demand for novel substances.
From a strategic perspective, these events may reflect broader changes within the global narcotics economy. Intensified counter-narcotics operations in the Americas, increasing maritime interdiction efforts, and heightened surveillance of established trafficking corridors have forced criminal organizations to adapt. Organized crime thrives on flexibility. When one route becomes difficult, another is created. When one production center becomes too risky, new locations emerge.
Africa may increasingly present itself as an attractive alternative offering lower operational risks, growing consumer markets, enforcement capacities gaps in certain jurisdictions, and access to new smuggling networks. The continent’s extensive coastline, busy commercial ports, and historical role in illicit trafficking routes also provide opportunities for integrating locally produced narcotics into existing maritime logistics chains.
This is where the issue transcends narcotics enforcement and becomes a broader security concern. Drug trafficking networks are rarely isolated enterprises. They are interconnected with money laundering, corruption, arms trafficking, document fraud, prostitution and sex trafficking and other forms of organized crime. The same criminal ecosystems that move drugs can also facilitate other illicit activities that undermine governance and regional security.
These developments deserve close attention. The recent events on industrial-scale drug production in Nigeria highlight how transnational criminal networks continue to adapt and exploit gaps across both land and maritime domains. While the laboratories themselves may be hidden deep within forests, the networks that sustain them are inherently transnational, relying on logistics, financial flows, and trafficking routes that extend far beyond Nigeria’s borders.
There is, of course, an irony to all of this. As global supply chains begin to crack and break under the strains caused by various strategic shocks (most notably conflicts at critical maritime choke points currently impeding the flow of about 20% of global energy), we see a general trend towards shrinking supply chains. By localizing food supply chains and others that are critical for human needs, we can potentially avoid the long shipment requirements, costs, and uncertainties around accessing goods in the globalized marketplace.
Drug cartels seem to be doing something similar while, at the same time, diversifying their footprint so as to ensure greater business resiliency and continuity amid these turbulent times. As many of the counter-narcotics entities, agencies, and mechanisms are focused on historic styles of drug flow, the cartels will likely have an advantage for some time, waiting for bureaucratic mechanisms to catch up and change mandates to focus on the necessary elements, including precursor chemicals and African-origin drugs. The question is how much damage can be done during that time delay?
The latest NDLEA operations are therefore more than drug seizures; they are indicators of an active threat environment. They suggest that West Africa’s role in the global narcotics trade is changing from a corridor of transit to a node of production.
Ebunoluwa George Ojo-Ami is a senior analyst specializing in maritime security, intelligence analysis, and unmanned systems across Africa’s maritime domain. His expertise spans Gulf of Guinea security dynamics, OSINT-driven intelligence analysis, maritime domain awareness, port and offshore security, drone threats, and the evolving use of unmanned systems in maritime security and operations by both state and non-state actors across Africa. His analysis has been featured in international security and maritime publications, and he has previously appeared on CIMSEC’s Sea Control podcast to discuss security challenges in the Gulf of Guinea.
Dr. Ian Ralby is President of Auxilium Worldwide, a charitable nonprofit that, among other things, focuses on ocean governance, and he is CEO of I.R. Consilium, a maritime and resource security consultancy. He is a globally recognized expert in maritime law and security and has worked in over 100 countries around the world, including having done extensive work on counter narcotics in the Caribbean and the Gulf of Guinea.
Related stories: How large scale meth production in Nigeria poses new security risks
Nigeria arrests alleged Mexican drug kingpin at international airport
That arrest resulted in the discovery of a suspected industrial-scale methamphetamine laboratory - the third such find allegedly linked to Mexicans in four months.
When Arturo Carrera Loaiza, 40, was detained at Lagos international airport, officials allegedly found digital images of him wearing what they believed to be a laboratory coat alongside equipment consistent with meth production.
The pictures' location data led officers to a property in Ebonyi state, where they said chemicals and drug-making equipment were found.
Loaiza has denied involvement in methamphetamine production and said he had been invited to Nigeria by a local contact for a restaurant business venture, according to a statement from the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA).
The agency's investigators found a CCTV memory card at the suspected laboratory in Ebonyi with footage from the property showing someone who looked like Loaiza wearing a blue laboratory coat. A Nigerian man was also identified directing people as they removed chemicals and equipment from the site.
NDLEA chairman Gen Mohamed Buba Marwa said further intelligence led officers to an isolated house in a neighbouring community, where they recovered chemicals, dehydrators, condensers, a reaction pot, weighing scales, mixers, drums, gas burners and a sieve containing traces of methamphetamine.
No estimate has yet been given for how much methamphetamine the alleged laboratory was capable of producing.
Investigators have alleged that Loaiza had recruited and brought a fellow Mexican to work at another suspected methamphetamine laboratory hidden in a forest in Oyo state, which was raided in June. Four Nigerians were also arrested after the raid.
A month earlier, NDLEA officers arrested three Mexican nationals and seven Nigerians at what the agency described as an industrial-scale methamphetamine laboratory hidden in a forest in another part of the country.
Marwa said the operations showed international criminal groups were attempting to establish drug-production facilities in Nigeria's forests and rural communities.
"Nigeria will not be allowed to become a haven for transnational drug cartels seeking to relocate their laboratories from other jurisdictions into our forests and rural communities", he said.
The NDLEA said its investigation into the network is ongoing, including into those it believes financed or helped facilitate the operations in Nigeria.
Unlike plant-based drugs, such as cocaine or heroin, which can only be grown and processed in certain places, a synthetic drug like meth can be produced anywhere with the right chemicals and expertise, making it easier for organised crime groups to quickly scale up production.
West Africa poses numerous attractive benefits to Mexican syndicates, starting with swathes of forested land which serves well for secluded production sites.
By Simi Jolaoso, BBC
Related stories: Video - Nigeria dismantles its largest meth lab as Mexican cartel push into country
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