An office for Nigeria's election commission has been burned down just six days before the country is due to vote in a general election.
The fire in Plateau State has destroyed ballot boxes and voting slips.
An electoral commission spokesperson called it a setback for the preparations for the election but is quoted in This Day as saying that it is too early to suspect sabotage.
The general election is due to be held on Saturday.
On Sunday President Muhammadu Buhari warned of potential electoral fraud.
"The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission has raised concerns over laundered money being funnelled into vote buying," he said an editorial published in the Pulse newspaper.
He is running for re-election in Saturday's poll where more than 84 million people are registered to vote.
Although there are many presidential candidates, analysts say Mr Buhari's main contender is former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar.
BBC
Monday, February 11, 2019
Friday, February 8, 2019
Democracy in Nigeria is fading away
On January 25, Nigeria's President Muhammadu Buhari suspended the country's top judge, Walter Onnoghen, and replaced him with an acting chief justice merely weeks before a presidential election in which judiciary can play an important role.
Onnoghen, as the head of Nigeria's independent judiciary, had helped resolve electoral disputes in past elections, some of which have been marred by violence and vote-rigging. He was similarly expected to preside over any dispute that may arise in the upcoming February 16 election.
The judge's controversial suspension so close to the election date caused uproar across Nigeria, with the Nigerian Bar Association embarking on a two-day strike and the main opposition candidate, Atiku Abubakar, calling the president's decision "an act of dictatorship". The international community also expressed dismay over the usurpation of the judicial arm of the government by the executive branch, with the US and the EU suggesting the judge's removal could "cast a pall over the electoral process".
Violating judicial independence
Only four years ago, following the March 2015 presidential election, former President Goodluck Jonathan conceded his defeat to then-opposition candidate Buhari, becoming the first sitting president in Nigeria to do so. Jonathan's voluntary admission of electoral defeat, which was a rarity not only in Nigeria but across the African continent, encouraged Nigerian voters to place their trust in Buhari, an erstwhile dictator who famously labelled himself "a reformed democrat", to protect their rights and freedoms.
Democratic governments function on the principle of separation of powers - the executive, the legislature and the judiciary - which aims to prevent a descent to autocracy by providing for checks and balances. This is why Buhari's decision to suspend Onnoghen, an apparent violation of judicial independence, was a cause for disappointment and alarm for many who believed the president would uphold democratic values. However, it needs to be noted that the suspension of the chief justice was hardly the first time the Buhari administration infringed the principle of separation of powers and put the future of Nigerian democracy at risk.
Since Buhari took over the presidency, the federal government repeatedly used the fight against corruption - one of the cardinal promises of the current administration - as a tool to side-step the judiciary and illegally lock away, intimidate and silence its opponents and adversaries. For example, the federal government refused to release former National Security Adviser Sambo Dasuki, who had been arrested on corruption charges in December 2015, even though he has been granted bail by several Nigerian high court judges and the ECOWAS court of justice. He remains behind bars to this day.
Moreover, throughout his first term in power, President Buhari openly argued for putting national interests over the rule of law, preparing the ground for authoritarianism and lawless actions.
At the 2018 General Conference of the Nigerian Bar Association, for example, the president said, "Rule of law must be subject to the supremacy of the nation's security and national interest," and maintained that the state should be allowed to waive fundamental rights of alleged offenders when national security and public interest were threatened. Ironically, the suspended Chief Justice Onnoghen was in attendance at the event, but failed to respond to the president's blatant attack on the rule of law and the integrity of the judiciary.
Muzzled media, civil society
The judiciary was not the only branch of the government that faced attacks during Buhari's presidency. The members of the legislative branch have also been targeted by state operatives for acting against the Buhari administration.
In August 2018, armed and masked officers from the Department of State Services (DSS) staged a blockade of the National Assembly. That very same summer, prominent senators who have maintained opposition to the government also had their homes raided. The Senate president, Bukola Saraki, and one of his key allies in the Senate, Dino Melaye, are currently being investigated and harassed by the police over alleged criminal activities. The list can go on.
When the institutions that are meant to provide checks and balances, such as the National Assembly and the Supreme Court, are subdued, independent media and civil society are supposed to take over the responsibility of holding corrupt executives to account.
Unfortunately, neither the media nor the civil society fared any better in Buhari's Nigeria.
Nigeria declined three places in RSF's World Press Freedom Index in the last three years, ranking 119th out of 180 countries in 2018. Under the Buhari administration, several journalists and activists have been imprisoned and tried on terrorism charges. A section of the Nigerian Cyberterrorism Act 2015, which was signed into law by former President Jonathan, has also been weaponized against dissenters, especially Nigerian citizens active on social media. Moreover, in 2016 the Nigerian Senate flirted with the Frivolous Petitions Bill, aka "the anti-social media law", which included over-reaching provisions for social media regulation. The bill, seen by many as a dangerous encroachment on free expression, was eventually pulled following public outcry. A similar bill that seeks to equate hate speech with terrorism, however, is currently being deliberated in the National Assembly.
In the last four years, the Buhari administration erased all the gains we made in the 2015 election and created the perfect environment for autocracy by further weakening our democratic institutions, muzzling our civil society, silencing independent journalists and questioning the supremacy of the rule of law. As Nigerians head to vote in the upcoming polls, we must bear in mind that elections do not make a democracy. The current state of affairs in Nigeria should be a bigger concern for us all than any potential outcome of the upcoming election.
Written by Adewunmi Emoruwa
Al Jazeera
Onnoghen, as the head of Nigeria's independent judiciary, had helped resolve electoral disputes in past elections, some of which have been marred by violence and vote-rigging. He was similarly expected to preside over any dispute that may arise in the upcoming February 16 election.
The judge's controversial suspension so close to the election date caused uproar across Nigeria, with the Nigerian Bar Association embarking on a two-day strike and the main opposition candidate, Atiku Abubakar, calling the president's decision "an act of dictatorship". The international community also expressed dismay over the usurpation of the judicial arm of the government by the executive branch, with the US and the EU suggesting the judge's removal could "cast a pall over the electoral process".
Violating judicial independence
Only four years ago, following the March 2015 presidential election, former President Goodluck Jonathan conceded his defeat to then-opposition candidate Buhari, becoming the first sitting president in Nigeria to do so. Jonathan's voluntary admission of electoral defeat, which was a rarity not only in Nigeria but across the African continent, encouraged Nigerian voters to place their trust in Buhari, an erstwhile dictator who famously labelled himself "a reformed democrat", to protect their rights and freedoms.
Democratic governments function on the principle of separation of powers - the executive, the legislature and the judiciary - which aims to prevent a descent to autocracy by providing for checks and balances. This is why Buhari's decision to suspend Onnoghen, an apparent violation of judicial independence, was a cause for disappointment and alarm for many who believed the president would uphold democratic values. However, it needs to be noted that the suspension of the chief justice was hardly the first time the Buhari administration infringed the principle of separation of powers and put the future of Nigerian democracy at risk.
Since Buhari took over the presidency, the federal government repeatedly used the fight against corruption - one of the cardinal promises of the current administration - as a tool to side-step the judiciary and illegally lock away, intimidate and silence its opponents and adversaries. For example, the federal government refused to release former National Security Adviser Sambo Dasuki, who had been arrested on corruption charges in December 2015, even though he has been granted bail by several Nigerian high court judges and the ECOWAS court of justice. He remains behind bars to this day.
Moreover, throughout his first term in power, President Buhari openly argued for putting national interests over the rule of law, preparing the ground for authoritarianism and lawless actions.
At the 2018 General Conference of the Nigerian Bar Association, for example, the president said, "Rule of law must be subject to the supremacy of the nation's security and national interest," and maintained that the state should be allowed to waive fundamental rights of alleged offenders when national security and public interest were threatened. Ironically, the suspended Chief Justice Onnoghen was in attendance at the event, but failed to respond to the president's blatant attack on the rule of law and the integrity of the judiciary.
Muzzled media, civil society
The judiciary was not the only branch of the government that faced attacks during Buhari's presidency. The members of the legislative branch have also been targeted by state operatives for acting against the Buhari administration.
In August 2018, armed and masked officers from the Department of State Services (DSS) staged a blockade of the National Assembly. That very same summer, prominent senators who have maintained opposition to the government also had their homes raided. The Senate president, Bukola Saraki, and one of his key allies in the Senate, Dino Melaye, are currently being investigated and harassed by the police over alleged criminal activities. The list can go on.
When the institutions that are meant to provide checks and balances, such as the National Assembly and the Supreme Court, are subdued, independent media and civil society are supposed to take over the responsibility of holding corrupt executives to account.
Unfortunately, neither the media nor the civil society fared any better in Buhari's Nigeria.
Nigeria declined three places in RSF's World Press Freedom Index in the last three years, ranking 119th out of 180 countries in 2018. Under the Buhari administration, several journalists and activists have been imprisoned and tried on terrorism charges. A section of the Nigerian Cyberterrorism Act 2015, which was signed into law by former President Jonathan, has also been weaponized against dissenters, especially Nigerian citizens active on social media. Moreover, in 2016 the Nigerian Senate flirted with the Frivolous Petitions Bill, aka "the anti-social media law", which included over-reaching provisions for social media regulation. The bill, seen by many as a dangerous encroachment on free expression, was eventually pulled following public outcry. A similar bill that seeks to equate hate speech with terrorism, however, is currently being deliberated in the National Assembly.
In the last four years, the Buhari administration erased all the gains we made in the 2015 election and created the perfect environment for autocracy by further weakening our democratic institutions, muzzling our civil society, silencing independent journalists and questioning the supremacy of the rule of law. As Nigerians head to vote in the upcoming polls, we must bear in mind that elections do not make a democracy. The current state of affairs in Nigeria should be a bigger concern for us all than any potential outcome of the upcoming election.
Written by Adewunmi Emoruwa
Al Jazeera
Monday, February 4, 2019
Nigerian Air Force destroys Boko Haram base
The Nigerian Air Force (NAF) has destroyed one of Boko Haram's logistics base in the restive northeastern state of Borno, a spokesperson told Xinhua on Monday.
The NAF struck the target on Saturday after it found vehicles and equipment of the terrorist group covered by dense vegetation, Ibikunle Daramola said, adding that the entire area was engulfed in fire and terrorists in the location were killed.
Boko Haram has been trying to establish an Islamic state in northeastern Nigeria since 2009, killing some 20,000 people and forcing displacement of millions of others.
The group has launched attacks in recent months on military and civilian targets in northeastern Nigeria, Africa's most populous country, killing hundreds of people and forcing thousands to flee their home.
According to a recent statement by the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), there has been a steep surge in displacement in northeastern Nigeria since November, triggered by a spike in attacks. More than 100,000 people have been forced to flee, many for the second time.
This is creating vast humanitarian needs and stretching the capacity of already congested camps and sites across the region, NRC said.
Xinhua
The NAF struck the target on Saturday after it found vehicles and equipment of the terrorist group covered by dense vegetation, Ibikunle Daramola said, adding that the entire area was engulfed in fire and terrorists in the location were killed.
Boko Haram has been trying to establish an Islamic state in northeastern Nigeria since 2009, killing some 20,000 people and forcing displacement of millions of others.
The group has launched attacks in recent months on military and civilian targets in northeastern Nigeria, Africa's most populous country, killing hundreds of people and forcing thousands to flee their home.
According to a recent statement by the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), there has been a steep surge in displacement in northeastern Nigeria since November, triggered by a spike in attacks. More than 100,000 people have been forced to flee, many for the second time.
This is creating vast humanitarian needs and stretching the capacity of already congested camps and sites across the region, NRC said.
Xinhua
Nigeria vice president involved in helicopter crash
Laolu Akande in a Twitter post said Vice President Yemi Osinbajo was "continuing with his engagements and plans for the day" after the crash in Kabba in Kogi state.
Akande gave no further details on the crash but he thanked God and the flight crew.
Local media outlet Sahara Reporters published photos of a helicopter on its side, its rotor blades smashed.
"We are safe and sound!" Osinbajo tweeted, saying the crew managed the situation well. He linked to a video of himself appeared unscathed and waving to supporters from a vehicle.
Akande later said the vice president told a crowd that "we are extremely grateful to the Lord for preserving our lives."
Nigeria's presidential election is on February 16 and President Muhammadu Buhari seeks a second term.
AP
How Godfathers influence politics in Nigeria
Godfathers in Nigerian politics don't usually run for office themselves, but many believe they are the ones who decide the election winners and losers.
With campaigning well under way for general elections on 16 February, these are the men - and they invariably are men - who pull the strings behind the scenes.
They are political sponsors, who use money and influence to win support for their preferred candidates.
Their "godsons", it is believed, are not always selected for their political acumen, but rather on their ability to repay and enrich their godfather.
These arrangements have spawned the term "godfatherism", says Dr Dele Ashiru, a senior lecturer at the department of political science at the University of Lagos.
"It refers to a situation where there's a big man who wields enormous political power and then anoints a godson, who he adopts as a candidate for the election.
"And the godfather will do all that is reasonably possible to get the godson appointed into political office.
"The godfather must be influential, most often they are, or were, a political office holder."
When 'godfatherism' gets messy
In the southern state of Akwa Ibom, the country's largest oil-producer, many people believe the main godfather is Godswill Akpabio, who holds a senate seat.
A former governor of the state, he still wields significant power in local politics.
So powerful in fact that his defection just a few months ago to the governing All Progressives Congress (APC) is seen as pivotal to the party's hope of winning its first victory in the state since Nigeria's return to democracy in 1999.
A hope reiterated by President Muhammadu Buhari when he chose Akwa Ibom to launch his campaign for re-election in December.
And Mr Akpabio certainly seems to deliver in numbers. During a recent rally I spoke to followers who said he would bring more than 300,000 voters over to the APC.
But Senator Akpabio denies he is a kingmaker: "If anyone wants to say that I am a godfather I want to disagree with them.
"The only time you could say I played a godfather-like role was in 2015. I nominated the current governor [of Akwa Ibom] and when I presented him to the people they supported him," he told the BBC.
Yet a member of his own party says that 2015 victory was marred by violence and irregularities, orchestrated by Mr Akpabio.
Umana Okon Umana, who was aspiring to be governor at the time, has accused Mr Akpabio of using state resources, including security forces, to install his candidate.
He describes it as a situation where a godfather sits down with his wife "and writes down all who will contest the governorship elections… all the way down to the house of assembly positions.
"He writes these names before the primaries take place. And then if you're not one of those candidates they make sure that you have no access to the venue [of the primaries]."
A Supreme Court ruling from 2015, however, declared the election in the state to be free and fair.
But "godfatherism" can get messy.
Onofiok Luke, now the speaker of the Akwa Ibom State House of Assembly, was one of Mr Akpabio's former godsons.
A deeply religious man, he attributes his success in politics to God, but many would say he owes far more to his former godfather.
Previously a personal assistant to Mr Akpabio, he admits to having received financial support for his wedding and 40th birthday, and that Mr Akpabio "mentored' him through his rise in politics.
However the relationship has soured and the Akwa Ibom parliamentary speaker, who says he was offered $5.5m (£4.2m) last year and the deputy governorship to switch parties, does not hold back about what he thinks his former boss is capable of.
"I have worked with him, and I know that he knows how to use state power."
In a written response from his media team, Mr Akpabio denied all allegations against him, stating: "We understand that this is a season for campaigns and these wild and unsubstantiated allegations will be thrown about by opponents to gain political mileage."
Battle of the hats
In a very different part of the country, the political future of the majority Muslim state of Kano in the north may also be defined by a larger-than-life godfather.
Kano has the second-biggest number of registered voters in the country, making it a key state for either of the two main parties to secure victory.
Rabiu Kwankwaso, a former governor, has built a loyal and dedicated following there, partly built through a free education programme implemented during his tenure. Whichever candidate gets his blessing is guaranteed a lot of voters.
He even has his own political fan club, known as the Kwankwasiyya movement, whose members are easily recognisable in their uniform of red caps and white gowns.
He is backing Abba Kabiru Yusuf, a candidate from the People's Democratic Party (PDP), after falling out with a former ally.
On many campaign posters, Mr Kwankwaso's image is larger than that of the PDP contender.
"In all the states you go today, especially in northern Nigeria, you'll hardly get a house without a member of Kwankwasiyya, either the father or the mother or one of the children, or the worker in the house," Mr Kwankwaso told the BBC.
In the last elections he successfully endorsed Abdullahi Ganduje, his former deputy for governor.
But since Mr Ganduje became governor, he has been locked in a bitter dispute with Mr Kwankwaso.
The feud is so fierce that for some time Mr Kwankwaso avoided the city of Kano where there has been an attempt to counter his popularity with the so-called Gandujiyya movement, whose members wear blue hats.
'Question of ego'
As godsons become political players in their own right, it is inevitable that they fall out with their godfathers.
Mr Ashiru says this is because in developing societies like Nigeria, the state is the most important source of revenue and wealth accumulation, which both will want to access to.
But it is also a question of ego, according to Emmanuel Onwubiko, from Human Rights Writers Association Of Nigeria.
"Some of the godfathers are not really out to get money, they just want respect, they want to be venerated if they come into the state; they want to be recognised as the most important person in that society," he says.
For Mr Ashiru this is a key problem with godfatherism: "Godfather culture is more about the individual than the collective.
"Democracy is about the people, but here you have a few individuals across the country who take critical political decisions, particularly that have to do with the recruitment of public officers.
"So it goes without saying that such a system cannot make democracy thrive."
All the politicians I spoke to shied away from the term "godfather" as it has become loaded - associated with bullish tactics and undemocratic practices.
And as godsons gain their confidence, it is not clear how much longer godfathers will be able to keep their hold on power.
For Mr Akpabio and Mr Kwankwaso, it will not be long before they find out if their influence is waning.
BBC
With campaigning well under way for general elections on 16 February, these are the men - and they invariably are men - who pull the strings behind the scenes.
They are political sponsors, who use money and influence to win support for their preferred candidates.
Their "godsons", it is believed, are not always selected for their political acumen, but rather on their ability to repay and enrich their godfather.
These arrangements have spawned the term "godfatherism", says Dr Dele Ashiru, a senior lecturer at the department of political science at the University of Lagos.
"It refers to a situation where there's a big man who wields enormous political power and then anoints a godson, who he adopts as a candidate for the election.
"And the godfather will do all that is reasonably possible to get the godson appointed into political office.
"The godfather must be influential, most often they are, or were, a political office holder."
When 'godfatherism' gets messy
In the southern state of Akwa Ibom, the country's largest oil-producer, many people believe the main godfather is Godswill Akpabio, who holds a senate seat.
A former governor of the state, he still wields significant power in local politics.
So powerful in fact that his defection just a few months ago to the governing All Progressives Congress (APC) is seen as pivotal to the party's hope of winning its first victory in the state since Nigeria's return to democracy in 1999.
A hope reiterated by President Muhammadu Buhari when he chose Akwa Ibom to launch his campaign for re-election in December.
And Mr Akpabio certainly seems to deliver in numbers. During a recent rally I spoke to followers who said he would bring more than 300,000 voters over to the APC.
But Senator Akpabio denies he is a kingmaker: "If anyone wants to say that I am a godfather I want to disagree with them.
"The only time you could say I played a godfather-like role was in 2015. I nominated the current governor [of Akwa Ibom] and when I presented him to the people they supported him," he told the BBC.
Yet a member of his own party says that 2015 victory was marred by violence and irregularities, orchestrated by Mr Akpabio.
Umana Okon Umana, who was aspiring to be governor at the time, has accused Mr Akpabio of using state resources, including security forces, to install his candidate.
He describes it as a situation where a godfather sits down with his wife "and writes down all who will contest the governorship elections… all the way down to the house of assembly positions.
"He writes these names before the primaries take place. And then if you're not one of those candidates they make sure that you have no access to the venue [of the primaries]."
A Supreme Court ruling from 2015, however, declared the election in the state to be free and fair.
But "godfatherism" can get messy.
Onofiok Luke, now the speaker of the Akwa Ibom State House of Assembly, was one of Mr Akpabio's former godsons.
A deeply religious man, he attributes his success in politics to God, but many would say he owes far more to his former godfather.
Previously a personal assistant to Mr Akpabio, he admits to having received financial support for his wedding and 40th birthday, and that Mr Akpabio "mentored' him through his rise in politics.
However the relationship has soured and the Akwa Ibom parliamentary speaker, who says he was offered $5.5m (£4.2m) last year and the deputy governorship to switch parties, does not hold back about what he thinks his former boss is capable of.
"I have worked with him, and I know that he knows how to use state power."
In a written response from his media team, Mr Akpabio denied all allegations against him, stating: "We understand that this is a season for campaigns and these wild and unsubstantiated allegations will be thrown about by opponents to gain political mileage."
Battle of the hats
In a very different part of the country, the political future of the majority Muslim state of Kano in the north may also be defined by a larger-than-life godfather.
Kano has the second-biggest number of registered voters in the country, making it a key state for either of the two main parties to secure victory.
Rabiu Kwankwaso, a former governor, has built a loyal and dedicated following there, partly built through a free education programme implemented during his tenure. Whichever candidate gets his blessing is guaranteed a lot of voters.
He even has his own political fan club, known as the Kwankwasiyya movement, whose members are easily recognisable in their uniform of red caps and white gowns.
He is backing Abba Kabiru Yusuf, a candidate from the People's Democratic Party (PDP), after falling out with a former ally.
On many campaign posters, Mr Kwankwaso's image is larger than that of the PDP contender.
"In all the states you go today, especially in northern Nigeria, you'll hardly get a house without a member of Kwankwasiyya, either the father or the mother or one of the children, or the worker in the house," Mr Kwankwaso told the BBC.
In the last elections he successfully endorsed Abdullahi Ganduje, his former deputy for governor.
But since Mr Ganduje became governor, he has been locked in a bitter dispute with Mr Kwankwaso.
The feud is so fierce that for some time Mr Kwankwaso avoided the city of Kano where there has been an attempt to counter his popularity with the so-called Gandujiyya movement, whose members wear blue hats.
'Question of ego'
As godsons become political players in their own right, it is inevitable that they fall out with their godfathers.
Mr Ashiru says this is because in developing societies like Nigeria, the state is the most important source of revenue and wealth accumulation, which both will want to access to.
But it is also a question of ego, according to Emmanuel Onwubiko, from Human Rights Writers Association Of Nigeria.
"Some of the godfathers are not really out to get money, they just want respect, they want to be venerated if they come into the state; they want to be recognised as the most important person in that society," he says.
For Mr Ashiru this is a key problem with godfatherism: "Godfather culture is more about the individual than the collective.
"Democracy is about the people, but here you have a few individuals across the country who take critical political decisions, particularly that have to do with the recruitment of public officers.
"So it goes without saying that such a system cannot make democracy thrive."
All the politicians I spoke to shied away from the term "godfather" as it has become loaded - associated with bullish tactics and undemocratic practices.
And as godsons gain their confidence, it is not clear how much longer godfathers will be able to keep their hold on power.
For Mr Akpabio and Mr Kwankwaso, it will not be long before they find out if their influence is waning.
BBC
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