Monday, October 19, 2020

Why Nigeria's anti-police brutality protests have gone global

Protests in Nigeria against a police unit accused of human rights abuses were expected to spread to London this weekend, in a further sign of the international solidarity that has formed around the movement.

As social media posts and local TV coverage showed people take to the streets again in several towns and cities in the West African country, there were also reports on Sunday that a march was on its way from Marble Arch in the English capital to the Nigerian High Commission.

It's part of a now global campaign against a branch of Nigeria's police called the Special Anti Robbery Squad (SARS), which has even drawn the backing of the likes of Twitter founder Jack Dorsey, Star Wars actor John Boyega, US rapper Kanye West, and footballers Mesut Ozil and Marcus Rashford.

So, what is SARS?

SARS was set up in 1984 to tackle a growing problem of people stealing from each other using force in Nigeria.
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Supporters say it initially succeeded, but critics say it has been linked to the deaths of people it has investigated.

Since the 1990s, rights groups like Amnesty International have documented a series of allegations involving the unit, which campaigners say have worsened in recent years.

In June, Amnesty released a report that documented at least 82 cases of torture, ill treatment and extra-judicial execution by SARS between January 2017 and May 2020.

What are the allegations?

One of SARS' alleged victims told Amnesty he was arrested in 2017 after being accused of stealing a laptop, but was then held for 40 days and tortured before he was brought before a court.

The 23-year-old, Miracle, said: "They started using all manner of items to beat me, including machetes, sticks, inflicting me with all kinds of injuries. One of the officers used an exhaust pipe to hit me on my teeth, breaking my teeth. I was left on that hanger for more than three hours."

Another, 24-year-old Sunday Bang, was allegedly held in detention in 2018 for five weeks, where he suffered bone fractures and other injuries due to torture and other ill treatment after being accused of robbery.

Many other Nigerians have been killed, according to human rights groups.

What's been happening?

Ongoing concern about SARS' activities led in 2017 to a Twitter campaign with the hashtag #EndSARS, which was successful in getting Nigeria's police chief to order an immediate re-organisation of the anti-robbery unit.

But when a video circulated online more than a week ago showing a man being beaten, apparently by police from the SARS unit, protests began in earnest.

On Friday, in Lagos, protesters blocked the road to the international airport and the main highway into the city, and protesters in the capital, Abuja, dedicated the day to Nigerians they say had been killed by SARS.

But the protests have been met with further violence, with 10 people killed and hundreds injured, according to Amnesty.

The largely peaceful protesters have been attacked by gangs armed with guns, knives, clubs, and machetes.

What else is happening?

The ongoing allegations of brutality have inspired thousands of people around the world to support those trying to improve policing in Nigeria.

The #EndSARS campaign has attracted support from Black Lives Matter activists in the US and Twitter's Dorsey, who created an emoji of a clenched fist in the colours of the Nigerian flag to allow people to support the campaign.

Since the start of the latest phase of the #EndSARS campaign, the hashtag has been tweeted thousands of times, it has been reported.

Protests have spread to other countries already with several dozen demonstrating outside the Nigerian High Commission in London earlier in the week.

What has the Nigerian government said and done?


In response to the widespread demonstrations by young Nigerians, the government said it would disband SARS, but the protesters are continuing, saying they want an end to all police brutality.

Protesters say the people who have attacked them are backed by the police, according to reports in the local press, and have vowed to continue because of this.

Nigeria's military has issued a warning against what it called "subversive elements and troublemakers," saying the army would "maintain law and order, and deal with any situation decisively".

Authorities in Abuja have called for an end to all protests in the city, saying the gatherings risk spreading COVID-19.

On Sunday, as more protests got under way, Senate president Ahmed Lawan called for an end to the protests rocking the country, local media reported.

What's going to happen now?

One protester in Abuja told AP those involved in the demonstrations are ignoring any order to disperse.

"If they are sincere, they would have banned the crowded rallies politicians have been holding," protester John Uche said.

By Philip Whiteside

Sky News

Related story: Video - Nigeria protests continue even after gov't disbands police squad

Friday, October 16, 2020

Plans to castrate rapists and execute paedophiles in Nigeria are condemned as ‘draconian’ by UN

The UN has condemned plans to castrate rapists and paedophiles in Nigeria and called the measures 'draconian'.

In September, the governor of Nigeria's Kaduna state signed a law saying men convicted of rape would be subjected to surgical castration - with those found guilty of raping a child under the age of 14 facing the death penalty.

The measures followed public anger over a recent increase of rapes amid Covid-19 restrictions, which prompted the nation's state governors to declare a state of emergency.

Today, the UN's High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet condemned the plans, calling them 'draconian'.

'Tempting as it may be to impose draconian punishments on those who carry out such monstrous acts, we must not allow ourselves to commit further violations,' she said.

In a statement regarding the adoption of the law in Nigeria, Bachelet said the main argument made for instituting the death penalty is to deter rape. She added that the assumption that the punishment prevents sexual assaults is wrong.

She said 'the certainty of punishment, rather than its severity, deters crime'.

'Penalties like surgical castration and bilateral salpingectomy will not resolve any of the barriers to accessing justice, nor will it serve a preventive role,' Bachelet argued.

'Surgical castration and salpingectomy violate the absolute prohibition of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment under international human rights law.'

Reported cases of rape in Nigeria have risen dramatically during the months of coronavirus restrictions.

Women's groups have called for tougher action against rapists, including the death penalty.

Kaduna state's new law is the strictest against rape in Nigeria, Africa's most populous country.

The state's newly amended penal code also says a person convicted of raping someone over age 14 will face life imprisonment.

The previous law carried a maximum penalty of 21 years' imprisonment for the rape of an adult and life imprisonment for the rape of a child.

A woman convicted of rape of a child under 14 faces the removal of her fallopian tubes.

Daily Mail

Protesters march on Nigerian parliament after army threatens to step in

Hundreds of protesters marched to the gates of Nigeria’s parliament on Thursday, hours after the army said it was ready to step in and restore order after more than a week of demonstrations against police brutality.

The protest defied a ban on mass rallies in the capital Abuja that the government said was imposed earlier on Thursday to stop the spread of the coronavirus.

Chanting crowds also blocked roads and waved flags and banners in the commercial hub Lagos, where protesters reported clashing with unidentified men wielding weapons.

Video on social media appeared to show men coming out of a bus and chasing protesters, though Reuters could not verify the footage.

“We have suffered enough. We youths want to stand - no more brutality,” one demonstrator, Obinna Paul, said in another part of the city where crowds blocked a toll gate funnelling traffic to and from the main airport.

Lagos state governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu said on Twitter he condemned the attacks on peaceful protesters “by armed and unscrupulous elements trying to cause chaos”.

Lagos state set up a 200 million naira ($525,000) compensation fund for victims of police brutality, a core demand of protesters, and a presidential spokesman said on Twitter that the government had directed all governors to establish victim compensation funds. He also said judicial panels of inquiry would investigate police brutality.

Late on Wednesday, the military issued a statement titled “Nigerian Army warns subversive elements and trouble makers”.

“The NA (Nigerian Army) is ready to fully support the civil authority in whatever capacity to maintain law and order and deal with any situation decisively,” it said.

Protesters have staged daily marches since Wednesday last week, calling for an overhaul of police forces.

Police had responded to the demonstrations with beatings, tear gas and gunfire, which human rights group Amnesty International said had killed at least 10 people. But the police agreed on Tuesday to stop using force against protesters.

In response to the protests, the head of Nigeria’s police force on Sunday dissolved the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), a unit that demonstrators have accused of beatings, killings and extortion.

Demonstrators have called for more meaningful reforms. Protesters say they fear a new unit, whose creation to “fill the gaps” left by SARS was announced on Tuesday, was just a rebranding of the squad.

By Alexis Akwagyiram, Camillus Eboh

Reuters

Thursday, October 15, 2020

Video - Nigeria protests continue even after gov't disbands police squad

 

The Nigerian government's decision to abolish a police squad implicated in extrajudicial killings and torture has failed to placate protesters. A new unitcalled SWAT was formed to replace the disbanded Special Anti-Robbery Squad. But the protesters are now saying they want to hold the police and government officials accountable.

Wednesday, October 14, 2020

Nigeria’s bus drivers battle thugs, a union and police in Lagos

It is 7pm on a Wednesday in late September. Afeez* has just left a bus park at Iyana Isolo, a small busy road near the popular Ojuwoye street market in the district of Mushin.

In a leased danfo – the privately run yellow and white minibuses that serve as unofficial public transport in Nigerian cities – the 32-year-old plies through the busy streets, breaking off before traffic signals, in a rush to get his passengers to the nearby suburb of Oyingbo.

“I am in a hurry to return to the park and do more trips,” the driver explained. His conversations with passengers are terse; he has no time to listen to their complaints. “I have to deliver [the rental fee] to the owner of the bus tonight.”

The only thing momentarily slowing him down along his route are the agberos – the motor park touts he hands 100 naira ($0.27) bills to every time he passes their junctions. Some run after the bus, demanding their due.

In Yoruba, agbero means “to carry passengers”, but this does not connote what the agberos do. These men, mostly clad in white and green uniforms but sometimes in plain clothes and carrying sticks or canes, collect dues from motorcycle, tricycle, and danfo bus drivers on behalf of the drivers’ union – a toll that allows them to pick up passengers.

The cost of dues can vary. But drivers say they generally pay three types: “booking” is paid so they can start work at the motor parks every morning; before each trip, they pay a “loading” fee, which is usually a sum equal to the fare of two passengers; and “tickets” are undefined charges which are paid once or twice a day depending on the parks they use.

Some drivers told Al Jazeera they hand over about half their daily earnings to the agberos, and altercations sometimes occur if dues are not paid.

“I have had countless fights with them, we fight often,” Afeez said. “It is trouble if you don’t give them money.”

Early in August, he was involved in a brawl with some agberos at Fadeyi, a bus stop along the route he was taking to Oyingbo.

“It was close to noon that day and the particular agbero was asking for afternoon due,” he recalled. “My conductor said it was not afternoon yet … and that we needed to work more before paying.

“I was at the steering wheel and I heard their argument. I told him when we go on one more trip, we would pay. The argument continued and all of a sudden he stabbed my conductor in the face with a key. He wounded him and I could not take it; I came down from the driver’s seat and we fought each other.”

The agbero was joined by his friends and a big fight broke out until they were all separated by other drivers, Afeez explained. “In the end, nothing happened because the chairman … did not get involved, it was just me and their boys,” he added, expressing relief that he did not encounter a union boss at the bus park.

The union

The National Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW) is an independent union that oversees all danfo bus drivers, commercial motorcycle drivers, and tricycle drivers.

In its own words, it “serves the interests of transport workers in the road transport sector”. But according to many drivers, the union only serves itself.

Unlike regular unions, NURTW is amorphous and without a defined and transparent structure. Its membership mainly comprises people who are not drivers, but rather motor park attendants. They started off as touts, canvassing passengers onto buses and maintaining order at motor parks. But over the years they have assumed total control of Nigeria’s informal transport sector.

The union has now become exclusively for “outsiders who have no business in driving”, drivers told Al Jazeera, at least in part because of what some say is a troubling alliance between union leaders and state officials. One driver who identified himself as only Tunde said the top echelons of the union are people who are rewarded by politicians for their service.

The problems with the union have long been a point of national discussion. In Oyo, another state in southwest Nigeria, Governor Seyi Makinde banned NURTW “to maintain peace and tranquillity in the state in order to engender commercial and human development” following “alleged security breaches and factional clashes of the union member in some areas of Ibadan, the state capital”. Since then, the state government has taken control of the bus parks in Oyo.

Some analysts say the challenges in the transport industry are rooted in the evolution of Nigeria’s socioeconomic landscape, and that the steady rise in unemployment after the country’s gradual economic downturn in the 1980s led to the birth of the agbero phenomenon.

Agbero originally grew out of “area boys”, a slang term usually used to refer to loosely organised groups of teen street gangs. These young male residents of a particular area would casually lay claim to “ownership” of that location, extorting money from passersby and serving as informal security in the hope of some compensation. In later years, the area boys, who were already mostly unemployed, found refuge within the largely unregulated transports system, economists and public policy analysts have said. They have grown into the more sophisticated association known as agbero today.

Nigeria as a whole has no policy that guides the transport sector and in high population density cities like Lagos, with a rising scourge of unemployment and consistent migration from other states, the transport system has become a mine of quick, daily cash for young people without work.

According to Professor Gbadebo Odewumi, the dean of the school of transport at Lagos State University, the public transport system in Lagos has been infiltrated by unskilled, illiterate youths ready to do the bidding of well-known thugs at the helm of the union because the state government has refused to implement standard policy guides that have been drafted by various commissions.

“First of all, there is no policy framework. Sanity can only begin with policies. Without policies, nothing can work,” Odewumi told Al Jazeera. “That is why there is this level of extortion and violence. Do you know how much the government makes per day? There is serious money in transportation. I mean billions.”

Although not formally connected with the government, the union has become one of Lagos’s – and much of the southwest’s – social mainstays as they are a visible presence in the daily experience of millions of commuters.

A Premium Times report in 2019 said that most of the money being generated on the street is disbursed into the pockets of union leaders owing to the informal structure of the financial relations between the union and the government.

Al Jazeera approached some of the union leaders at Oshodi, a transport hub in the state, for their response to these and other claims, but they refused to comment.

“The union leaders just reap from the chaos of the system and enrich themselves,” Odewumi said.

“The relationship is parasitic; each component is taking advantage of the other with the drivers at the base. The government takes advantage of the union and uses them for what they want, like using them to challenge political opponents during elections; the union takes advantage of the drivers.”

‘You are at their mercy’

“As a driver, I am in the union because the union is for those who are transport workers like me,” said Muyideen*, a danfo driver and father-of-three who ferries passengers from motor parks in Mushin and Oshodi every day.

“What is sad is what the union has become.”

The 61-year-old has a diploma in business administration but began working as a driver in 2001 after he could not find a job in his field. Now he is on the road from 5.30am to 9pm every day. But his income, he said, averages just 5,000 nairas ($13) a day.

“I am a father of three grown children and I need to struggle to make sure they don’t end up with this kind of job,” Muyideen said. “They need to go to school and be well-off; this is not what I want for them. Not all drivers are illiterates as people think, I am a graduate but due to unemployment, I found myself in this job.”

He has grown weary of the shady, unaccounted charges he pays the union for every trip he makes. The charges are not official and could be invented at any time, he lamented. And his inability to challenge the exorbitant levies, he said, lies in the free rein the government has given the union leadership to operate public transport in Lagos state.

“The union is mainly for thugs and the government is not doing anything about it. Nothing is being done with the dues we pay, we just pay,” he said.

Muyideen starts out every morning paying a 1,700 nairas ($4.59) booking fee at the motor park, and the dues pile up from there. Although he can make about 700 nairas ($1.89) from a single trip at full capacity, before he is able to pocket the cash, between 200 and 300 nairas ($0.54-0.81) – almost half – go to the agberos.

“Once you are driving [in public transport] in Lagos, you are at their mercy. Drivers are silently suffering because most of the reward of our labour goes to them,” he said, pointing to a union official lounging on a bench on the other side of the road.

“And you cannot do anything. They can do whatever they want at any time,” he said, dejectedly, before looking around to see if it was his turn in the queue. “If you fight them, you will suffer for it. You will either be beaten or be sent away from the park.”

Informal transport sector

Lagos, Nigeria’s economic capital, is the most populated state and also its smallest. Public transport accounts for 98 percent of the traffic in the state according to Professor Odewumi, but the system is “chaotic and terribly organised”, he explained.

Nigeria’s public road transport system is predominantly informal and that part of the sector is largely regulated by the NURTW. According to the Lagos Metropolitan Area Transport Authority (LAMATA), there are 75,000 minibuses in the state and 50,000 tricycles according to a 2020 report by Techcabal.

In 2008, the government tried to improve Lagos’s formal transport sector with the introduction of the Bus Rapid Transport (BRT) system. However, there are just 474 BRT buses available and they only work on main highways. The BRT system does little to meet the demands of the eight million commuters who use the road network in the metropolis daily.

BRT buses, with off-board ticket purchase, only have a capacity of 40 to 85 passengers and are usually more expensive than the minibuses. They use dedicated lanes on main highways so do not have the flexibility in routes of the minibuses.

That is why many passengers choose commercial shared transport like danfo or smaller tricycles that carry a driver and just two passengers.

Tricycles, popularly known as maruwa or keke, are used to navigate feeder routes and penetrate the inner crevices of the city by using the streets rather than main roads. Tricycle riders are also governed by NURTW and are subject to the same demands as danfo drivers, only they pay a cheaper toll as they carry fewer passengers.

A series of misfortunes

One morning in August when the lockdown had just been lifted, tricycle rider Yusuf Hassan decided to help two middle-aged women who could only afford to split a single passenger fare between them, by letting them share one seat. Locally, this is called lapping, where one passenger carries another on their lap – and Yusuf understood that it did not contravene regulations because even though there were three passengers, only two seats were occupied.

He was halfway through the trip when another tricycle with three policemen approached and stopped him. “Before I knew it, they were all over me. The three of them speaking at once, accusing me of disobeying the state government’s regulations.”

He said they ignored his explanations, seized his keys and pushed him out of the vehicle, taking it to their police station in Mushin.

“When I got to the station, they refused to attend to me, saying I had violated the law. It wasn’t until I involved a union executive … that they bothered to attend to me and they said I had to pay 10,000 naira [$27.02] before it could be released to me.”

The amount was reduced after a union representative negotiated on his behalf, and Yusuf finally paid 4,000 nairas ($10.81) to get his tricycle back, because it was all the money he had.

When asked if the union had helped him pay the fine, he shook his head. “Which union?” he smirked. “The executive was only there to talk to the policemen, to negotiate the bribe. His presence only helped reduce it.”

The police seize vehicles instead of arresting drivers for these offences, he said. “Why would they arrest you? They need the money, not you. So it is your bus or tricycle that will be driven to their station.”

This was the first of a series of “misfortunes” that Yusuf says has affected his business. In the middle of September, he misjudged a traffic signal which seemed to malfunction and moved ahead.

“All of a sudden, I noticed I was being chased with a motorcycle,” he said. It was a plain-clothes policeman, but instead of stopping, Yusuf sped off, and a chase ensued.

“I thought if he chased me for some minutes, he would let me go but we both kept going and going. And he was faster, being on a motorcycle. When I knew I did not stand a chance, I looked for a place where there were a lot of people by the roadside and parked the tricycle there.”

Yusuf beckoned passersby to help him, and some tried to reason with the officer, saying the young driver, who is in his 20s, was a relative of theirs. Finally, the policeman agreed not to arrest him, but called him aside and insisted on some money instead.

“He said I had to pay 15,000 naira ($40.54) for him not to take my tricycle.” Again, Yusuf was able to negotiate, eventually paying 3,000 nairas ($8.1) on the spot.

“Up till now, I can say I have not fully recovered because the series of arrests interrupted my plan and I can’t pay back the microfinance,” Yusuf explained, referring to the 970,000 nairas ($2,622) loan he had to take to buy his tricycle.

He pays back 17,000 nairas ($46) weekly. But more than a year later, he is yet to pay it off.

“There is no sense in working for the police because that is what it is,” he added about the fines and bribes.

Threats from law enforcement

Although most commercial drivers centralise at motor parks, there are some who choose not to, and instead, drive around the city looking for passengers. Although this reduces their dues to the union, it also has challenges, Afeez explained.

These drivers still pay the agberos who stop them along the way, and they are more at risk of getting unwanted attention from law enforcement. “They [police] don’t come into the parks to arrest drivers, only outside on the road,” he said, explaining that the parks offer drivers at least some protection.

Drivers complained about problems with law enforcement agencies like the Lagos State Traffic Management Agency (LASTMA), Vehicle Inspection Service (VIS), the police and the government’s Task Force.

The Lagos State Environmental Sanitation and Special Offenses (Task Force) was created in 1991 by military edict when Brigadier General Raji Rasaki was the military governor of Lagos state. Over time, the edict has been redesigned for various purposes which now includes arresting and prosecuting “violators of the provision of the Road Traffic Law 2012”. Among the drivers, the task force has become widely notorious for arbitrary arrests and huge bribes the officers demand.

“You want to talk about the task force? Where do you want to begin because there are a lot of things to say,” Afeez said, sitting in a leased danfo at the park in Iyana Isolo one rainy Tuesday. Despite his numerous encounters, one stands out because it cost him the most.

“It was the task force that made me lose my former bus,” he said, explaining that it was seized and he was arrested three times in the space of three weeks in August and September. He had to spend all his earnings extricating himself from either task force or LASTMA officials – as well as paying 8,000 nairas ($21.6) to get the bus back – which meant he was unable to make payments to the owner and lost the bus.

“We are often arrested because there are no designated bus stops along this route, so we usually use the roadside to drop and sometimes pick [up] passengers. But that is considered an offence,” Afeez explained, saying that officials were “very aggressive” and there was no way to talk to them about the charges.

“Sometimes they beat drivers; a lot of drivers who challenge them have been beaten,” he said.

Afeez started driving 10 years ago but has never owned a bus of his own. He has been on the streets fending for himself through odd jobs since he was a teenager, but managed to take out longer leases on buses in the past. Now, after losing the certainty that came with the previous bus, he rents vehicles on a day-to-day basis; on days he cannot find one, he does not get to work.

“I don’t have my own now, so I look out for friends who may not be driving on a particular day and use their bus to work. I pay them after work,” he said.

The last arrest left a mark on him. He is now afraid because he cannot afford to be arrested with a borrowed bus. He splayed his palm on the dashboard in resignation. “We work in fear; it is as though we are thieves. We are always on the lookout for task force, the police and LASTMA officials; you never can tell which one is around.”

Muyideen also fears law enforcement officials – even more than he does the union. When asked why, he said the fines they demand are far higher than what the union will collect if he is arrested.

Several drivers from different routes have also alleged that Task Force officers use agberos they personally employ as decoys, to make arrests. “They [Task Force officials] are government thugs,” Muyideen lamented.

“The enforcement agency is a hopeless thing. Who will enforce the law?” Professor Odewumi said. “Any laws made, rather than the enforcers looking to enforce them, they are looking to exploit them. Anytime in the day, 70 to 80 percent [of the enforcers] are on the road not enforcing anything but collecting money.”

Muyiwa Adejobi, a superintendent of police and the public relations officer for Lagos Police Command, responded to the allegations about “decoys” in a phone interview with Al Jazeera.

“Using decoy by the police force is not a problem. It is acceptable in the force. Not all personnel in the task force are police officers, there are also paramilitary personnel [that work in the task force],” Adejobi said.

“In fact, according to the law [Administration of Criminal Justice Act of Lagos], even individuals are permitted to arrest offenders; the only thing is you can’t detain the offenders.”

“Although, we have deviants within the police force … we have said it and we reiterate that we have zero tolerance for corruption. It takes two to tango … the drivers should stop giving bribes to the police officers. We have told them to identify the [erring] Task Force officers and report them to the [disciplinary] mechanism we have set up in the police force,” he added.

A history of violence

According to Odewumi, the union is loosely organised and populated by people who have a history of violence and, as a result, politicians have been able to utilise them as political tools for their own agendas.

Often, riots that have broken out in the ranks of the NURTW have caused widespread vandalism and the killing of innocent people. These riots are usually the result of an internal leadership tussle in the motor parks.

“They could be violent. Their number can unleash violence,” Odewumi said.

The union is registered under the National Labour Congress (NLC) and as such is subject to government oversight through the ministry of transport. While the relationship between the NURTW and the ministry is not entirely clear, the political links between politicians and top union leaders are known and usually manifest during elections.

“Agberos have become political. They can determine who becomes the commissioner or governor. During elections, who will be used to snatch ballot boxes and disrupt the electoral process?” Odewumi said. “They are now political tools, the instrument of winning elections. That is the problem.”

The commissioner for transport in Lagos State, Frederic Oladeinde, was contacted for a comment on this article, but he was unable to speak “due to the lack of clearance by the state’s Ministry of Information” for him to talk to the press at the time.

When Al Jazeera visited his office in Ikeja, Lagos, on August 31, 2020, an interview was not given due to the aforementioned reason. Subsequent calls and emails directed to the deputy director of public affairs at the ministry of transport were not acknowledged.

Strengthen the 98 percent

Numerous attempts have been made to modernise Lagos’s ailing public transport system over the years, including things like the imported, modernised BRT system. But the implications of this for public drivers and passengers are increased route restrictions and rising fares.

“It is laughable when you say you want to eradicate the carrier of the 98 percent. We should regularise and modernise the buses, rather spending the millions of dollars spent on psychedelic ones which make no impact,” Odewumi told Al Jazeera.

“With all those innovations, they are just impressing themselves. The idea is to phase out agbero and danfo drivers but it won’t work. The government should rather strengthen the carrier of 98 percent [buses and tricycles] and provide a framework for it to operate efficiently,” Odewumi added.

“The yellow [danfo] buses have higher frequency than the BRT, they are more flexible and move into routes that the large BRT cannot move into, they adapt with demands. The highly modernised buses have no taproot in our technology.”

Tricycle driver Yusuf used to work as a barber before he decided to venture into public driving. He thought it would help him make a better living.

One year after starting, he has changed his route due to the increasing charges demanded by the union and the police along his former route. Frustrated with the official rule changes made during the pandemic that greatly affected the transport business, he is considering changing jobs again.

“At the end of the day you check the money you have earned and you see it is nothing. You ask yourself if this is all I have worked for since daybreak,” Yusuf bemoaned.

“On days that I wake up late, I always decide not to go to work again. I must start working as early as 6:30am to meet up the demands of the union and earn something tangible for myself. If I start work by 8am, I can’t meet [targets] for the rest of the day.

“You pay the union in the morning, afternoon and evening … And sometimes you don’t even know the reason, you just pay.”

While the likes of Yusuf, Afeez and Muyideen work daily to eke out a meagre living for themselves and their families, union leaders live lavish lives. The income generated from the dues they collect cements their place among the socialites of Lagos.

“Almost all the money you make from this business leaves you in the end,” Muyideen said.

“You take a bus on hire purchase and pay back to the owner, you pay agebro, you pay the police and others, you buy petrol … repair the bus and – in the end – only little remains.”

* Names have been changed to protect the drivers’ identities.

By Ope Adetayo

Al Jazeera

Kanye West and other stars join global protests over police brutality in Nigeria

U.S. rapper Kanye West has joined a growing list of international celebrities speaking out in support of large protests against police brutality in Nigeria.

"I stand with my Nigerian brothers and sisters to end police brutality, the government must answer to the peoples cries #EndPoliceBrutalityinNigeria," West tweeted Monday.

Celebrities including singer Trey Songz (real name Tremaine Aldon Neverson), former professional footballer Rio Ferdinand and "Star Wars" actor John Boyega are also among those showing support to those protesting the disbandment of a controversial police unit in the West African nation.

The protests in cities across Nigeria came after weeks of outcry online from young people in the country over claims of kidnapping, harassment and extortion by a police unit known as the Special Anti Robbery Squad (SARS). Demonstrations continued after the inspector general of police announced Sunday that the unit was being disbanded and its officers redeployed.

Using the hashtag #EndSARS on social media, international celebrities joined Nigerians in the campaign to end police brutality in all its forms.

"Police brutality here in America often is an abuse of power driven by race. To be brutalized, extorted, and murdered by your own people is unimaginable. Prayers up and I'm researching ways I can help. #EndSARS," Trey Songz tweeted Saturday.

Similarly, American gospel singer Kirk Franklin, using the photo of one of the Nigerian protesters, issued a message of support on Instagram: "For over 20 years, Nigeria stood with me, now I stand with you. #endsarsnow."
 

DIASPORA PROTESTS

Over the weekend, the Nigerian diaspora community also organized protests in solidarity with their counterparts at home.

On Sunday, #EndSARS protests took place in Canada, England, Germany and the United States.

Fakhriyyah Hashim, one of the protesters in London, told CNN that the aim of the protest was to encourage the diaspora community in England to financially support protesters in Nigeria so that they can keep their protests running.

Afrobeat stars Wizkid (real name Ayodeji Balogun) and Mr Eazi (real name Oluwatosin Ajibade) also attended the London protest.

Mr Eazi, addressing the crowd with a microphone, said that he had personally been stopped and harassed by SARS officers. "None of us are safe if we continue to stay in the comfort of our homes allowing people to speak and say it does not affect them," he said in the video seen by CNN.

Protesters similarly gathered on Sunday and Monday chanting "End SARS" at Queen Street in Toronto, Canada.

Blessing Timidi Digha, one of the protesters who was present on both days, told CNN the demonstrators' demands included justice for those brutalized by the police unit, reform of the police and an end to all forms of police brutality.

"We hoped to share our personal experiences in the hands of SARS and the police, to join our colleagues back home in demanding for the dignity of the Nigerian life," Digha said.

Lagos state spokesman Muyiwa Adejobi said that all complaints against its officers are carefully investigated and appropriate sanctions applied to offenders. Adejobi added that many people don't report abuse because they fear that they may not get justice. He encouraged people affected by police misconduct to report it.
 

DISSOLUTION OF SARS

As protests were ongoing in different parts of the world on Sunday, Nigeria's inspector general of police, Mohammed Abubakar Adamu, announced that SARS was being dissolved.

But protests continued in Lagos, Abuja and Kwara on Monday, with young Nigerians saying they would continue to take to the streets until the entire police force was reformed.

"This is just the beginning!! We won our fight to #ENDSARS .. now Reform the Nigerian police!! #Endpolice brutality! We deserve good governance! #Endpolicebrutality," Wizkid tweeted Sunday.

Ayobami Akinbo, who participated in protests in the Nigerian capital Abuja, agreed. "It is not enough to end that unit and redeploy them to other places," he told CNN. "What we want is for the unit to end, and an investigation into the conduct of the SARS unit to be conducted."

Akinbo added that officers should be trained on how to engage with citizens to minimize the brutality they inflict on people.

Addressing Nigerians in a video on Monday, President Muhammadu Buhari said that the disbandment of SARS "is only the first step in our commitment to extensive police reform."

He added that every police officer responsible for wrongful acts would be brought to justice.

By Aisha Salaudeen

CNN

Related story: Video - Nigeria says Special Anti-Robbery Squad dissolved

Tuesday, October 13, 2020

Video - Nigeria says Special Anti-Robbery Squad dissolved

 

Nigeria’s police chief has announced the dissolution of a notorious anti-robbery unit following days of widespread protests against police brutality. The Special Anti-Robbery Squad is accused of torture, murder and unlawful arrests. The police chief announced a new outfit to tackle violent crimes will soon be set up and that civil society will now work with the police to identify and punish officers who committed abuses. But civil society wants to see officers accused of murder and other abuses punished. Al Jazeera’s Ahmed Idris reports from Abuja, Nigeria.

Monday, October 12, 2020

Video - Nigeria's students return to school amid COVID-19 crisis

Millions of students across twelve African countries have headed back to class as schools reopened after a six-month coronavirus lockdown. In Nigeria, nearly 40 million of them will now have to try to catch-up on missed schoolwork. But they will also return to a new set of rules as the government continues the struggle to stop the spread. Al Jazeera's Ahmed Idris reports from the capital, Abuja.

Video - Unicycling draws Nigerian youth from the streets



Unicycling is an unusual sport in Nigeria. But now youngsters are drawn to the sport, spending months and even years to master the balancing act. Here's Kelechi Emekalam with the report.

Nigeria dissolves controversial police unit accused of brutality

A controversial Nigerian police unit accused of brutality will be disbanded, following nationwide protests demanding an end to police violence in the country. 


Nigeria's Inspector General of Police announced that the Special Anti-Robbery Squad, known as SARS, will be dissolved, according to a police statement. 


"IGP M.A Adamu ... has today, 11th October, 2020, dissolved the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) across the 36 State Police Commands and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT)," a statement from police spokesman Frank Mba said. 


All SARS officers are being redeployed with immediate effect, Mba added.


However, while the news was welcomed by jubilant protesters, they vowed to continue marching in their demands to end police brutality in all forms and make rogue officers accountable. 


Before the decision to disband SARS was announced, one man died and several others were injured as police in Nigeria fired live ammunition and tear gas on young people protesting the unit. 


The man has been named as Jimoh Isiaka and his death was confirmed by the governor of Oyo State, Seyi Makinde. 


"I have received with deep sadness the news of the passing of one of our children, Jimoh Isiaka, who was shot during the ENDSARS protest in Ogbomoso," Makinde said on Saturday. "He later died at Bowen University Teaching Hospital, Ogbomoso..." he added in the Twitter statement


Five others were also injured in the state and taken to hospital, according to the governor


Protesters in Nigeria's capital Abuja also reported that police were using water cannons and firing live ammunition during a march on Sunday afternoon.


The nationwide protests were a culmination of weeks of anger and outcry online by the country's young people over claims of kidnapping, harassment murder, and extortion by SARS. 


The #EndSars hashtag has been trending worldwide since Friday and people in Nigeria have been using it to share videos and images of police using water cannons and tear gas to disperse protesters.


One woman who was at the Abuja march Saturday, where tear gas was also used, told CNN the protests were peaceful until police started firing at protesters. 


Ndi Kato, 31, said: "No one threw anything or did anything wrong. No one was being belligerent, but the police kept threatening us." 


Solidarity protests took place Sunday in the United Kingdom, led by the actor John Boyega, and in Washington DC, in the United States. Both countries have large Nigerian immigrant populations. 


Amnesty International said it has documented 82 cases of police brutality in Nigeria between 2017 and 2020.


People detained by SARS have suffered torture methods including hanging, mock execution and sexual violence, according to Amnesty. 

By Stephanie Busari

CNN

Thursday, October 8, 2020

New Nollywood film shines a light on human trafficking in Nigeria



 

Dressed in a transparent and colorful blouse, a sex worker in Lagos, the commercial center of Nigeria jumps out the window of a room at a party to avoid having sex with a potential customer.
She is seen, heels in her hand, running away from the party and eventually getting into a bus heading back to a brothel, where she lives with other sex workers.


These scenes are from the Netflix original film, "Oloture," in which we later find out that the sex worker, also named Oloture, is a Nigerian journalist who is undercover to expose sex trafficking in the country.

Every year, tens of thousands of people are trafficked from Nigeria, particularly Edo State in the nation's south, which has become one of Africa's largest departure points for irregular migration.
The International Organization for Migration (IMO) estimates that 91% victims trafficked from Nigeria are women, and their traffickers have sexually exploited more than half of them.
 

Through "Oloture," the difficult realities of these women, particularly those who are sexually exploited, come to light. It shows how they are recruited and trafficked overseas for commercial gain.
Directed by award-winning Nigerian filmmaker, Kenneth Gyang, the film features Nollywood actors including Sharon Ooja, Omoni Oboli and Blossom Chukwujekwu.
 

Mo Abudu, executive producer of "Oloture," told CNN that the crime drama was inspired by the numerous cases of trafficking around the world and in Nigeria.


"There have been many reports around the world highlighting human trafficking and modern slavery. It has been in our faces. I dug and dug and did a bit more research, and when I came across the numbers and saw how much was made annually from human trafficking, I was totally shocked," she said.
Human trafficking is a $150 billion global industry. And two-thirds of this figure is generated from sexual exploitation, according to a 2014 report by the International Labor Organization.
Abudu -- who is also CEO of EbonyLife Films, which produced "Oloture" -- added that the film mirrored some real-life reports by journalists who had gone undercover to expose sex trafficking patterns in the country.


One of them, she said, was a 2014 report by journalist Tobore Ovuorie, in the Nigerian newspaper, Premium Times. 

"Upon research, we found that many journalists had gone undercover to report on human trafficking. But the Premium Times article did spark our interest as some of it plays out in the film," Abudu said.

Easy prey for traffickers

Ovuorie, whose report was credited in "Oloture," told CNN that women often get trafficked as a result of their need to make money abroad. Ovuorie said she met many women in the course of her reporting who wanted to get to Europe in hopes of better job opportunities that would earn them more money.

"People were motivated by greed, you know, the need to get rich. I spoke with the women I was supposed to be trafficked with, and many of them wanted better lives motivated by money. There was one girl who had never earned more than 50,000 naira (about $130) as salary since she graduated from university," she told CNN.

Most of the women were fleeing harsh economic conditions and poverty, making them easy prey for traffickers, Ovuorie said.


During Ovuorie's investigation, she said she posed as a sex worker on the streets of Lagos, looking to travel to Europe.

Her plan worked. She was eventually linked with a trafficker who promised to get her to Italy. In partnership with ZAM Chronicles and Premium Times, she documented her experience.

After a series of "humiliating trainings" and physical abuse, she said she was told she and other girls would receive a fake passport in preparation to be smuggled outside the country through the border in Benin in West Africa.
She escaped at the border.

Physical and sexual abuse   

Many women who are trafficked in Nigeria face sexual, physical and mental abuse, according to a 2019 report by Human Rights Watch.
 

The rights group interviewed many women who said they were trafficked within and across national borders under life-threatening conditions as they were starved, raped and extorted.
On some occasions, according to the report, they were forced into prostitution where they were made to have abortions and coerced to have sex with customers when they were sick, menstruating or pregnant.
 

"Oloture" portrays some of these harsh realities as the lead character (played by Ooja) suffers sexual violence and physical abuse, including being whipped by one of her traffickers.
It was important to depict the reality of sex trafficking so viewers can understand the experiences of women who are forced into the trade, Gyang, the director, told CNN.
 

"I wanted people to know that this is the reality of these ladies. People always want closure but life is not about a Hollywood ending; you can't always get a happy ending," he said.
While directing the film, Gyang visited places with sex workers to get a better idea of how they live and work, he said.
 

"I actually went to places where we have sex workers in Lagos with one of the producers of the film. We wanted to really capture their lives so that we would be able to show it realistically in the movie. We talked to them, and some of the rooms we used in the movie were actually used previously by sex workers," he explained.

'The most impactful movie we have ever done'


The film was shot in 21 days towards the end of 2018, he said. Post-production was covered in 2019, and it was released Friday on Netflix.


In just days, it has become the top watched movie in Nigeria and is among the top 10 watched movies in the world on Netflix. 

 
"It's huge for me as a filmmaker that people have access to the film from all over the world. I want many people as possible to see it and have conversations about sex trafficking," Gyang said. 


The film is doing well in countries like Switzerland, Brazil, and South Africa because it is authentic and "deals with the truth," Abudu said.


"EbonyLife has done seven movies. But this is the most impactful one we have ever done. And the most important," Abudu said.


The National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP), the law enforcement agency in charge of combating human trafficking in Nigeria, wants the film to be made available to people in rural communities who don't have access to Netflix.


"I haven't seen the movie, but if it is trying to portray the ills and dangers of trafficking, then it's fine since that is going to raise awareness," Julie Okah-Donli, the director-general of the agency said.
And while she is happy that "Oloture" is shining the light on human trafficking, she told CNN that women mostly targeted by traffickers may not get to watch it.


"The people watching it on Netflix all know what trafficking is. It needs to go to those girls in rural communities where traffickers go to bring them from. Those are the girls that the awareness should go to," Okah-Donli said. 


With more people partnering with NAPTIP and raising awareness of the dangers of trafficking, sex trafficking will be minimized in Nigeria, she said. 

By Aisha Salaudeen 

CNN

Related stories:  Netflix Unveils Nigerian Original Series, Three Films 

Gang charged with sex trafficking girls from Nigeria arrested in Italy

Netflix involvement in Nollywood 

Video - Nigerian women trafficked to Europe for prostitution at 'crisis level'

Video - Nigerian short film Chuks premieres at Toronto International short Film Festival

Nigeria Looks To Ramp Up Its Oil Refining Capacity

Nigeria, Africa’s largest crude oil producer and exporter, expects to end its crude-for-fuel swap deals by 2023 when its refining capacity is set to increase with state refineries revamped and a new refinery built, Mele Kyari, Group Managing Director of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), said.

Nigerian refineries, which are in need of refurbishment, will be fully revamped and running by 2023, Nigeria’s ThisDay outlet reported, quoting Kyari as speaking at a virtual refiners’ conference this week. The private refinery of Nigerian billionaire Aliko Dangote is also expected to be operational by then, Kyari said.

“I don’t see an extension of that process in the near future as we progress and transit into more production locally. Our plan is to deliver all of them by 2023,” NNPC’s top executive said, referring to the crude-for-product swap deals.

Since 2016, Nigeria has been running the so-called Direct Sale of Crude Oil and Direct Purchase of Petroleum Products (DSDP) program with major oil traders and international oil companies, aimed at ensuring fuel which Africa’s biggest crude oil producer cannot process domestically.

At the same conference this week, NNPC’s Kyari said that “The outlook for Nigeria's downstream sector looks bright with attractive market conditions, large market, significant crude distillation capacity additions from various refinery projects, improvements of the distribution network & the use of natural gas.”

Related: Oil Majors Hit Hard By Canada's Energy Stock Selloff

“The rehabilitation exercise involves working with Globally Reputable Engineering Procurement and Construction Companies (EPCs) to revamp the existing refineries to operate at world-class capacity utilization levels,” he said.

Last month, Kyari said that NNPC was in talks to hand over the majority stakes in Nigeria’s four refineries, which are all in dire need of an upgrade.

Nigeria has four refineries, two in Port Harcourt, and one each in Warri and Kaduna, but all refineries are very old and in need of refurbishment. Over the past five years, utilization rates at those refineries haven’t exceeded 30 percent.

By Tsvetana Paraskova

Oilprice.com

Monday, October 5, 2020

Nigeria’s railway people: Life alongside a high-speed rail link



“From Rigasa, the next station is Kakau, then Dutse, then Rijana,” announces Ade, a train conductor with the Nigerian Railway Corporation (NRC). He is dressed in the company’s green and yellow and wears a reflective safety vest as the train departs from Rigasa station in Kaduna, northwestern Nigeria. Its final destination is the country’s capital, Abuja.

Rigasa, a densely populated urban slum, is the site of the main rail terminus along the 186km (115.6 miles) Kaduna-Abuja railway line.


The Chinese-built train has a sparkling white and cerulean interior and features 10 neat, air-conditioned carriages with comfortable seats made of plastic draped in green cotton coverlets. The train, quiet and serene, carries only half its capacity of about 1,000 passengers amid precautionary social distancing measures to curtail the spread of COVID-19. It is a contrast to the overbooked trains, with passengers squeezed into the aisles, that existed before the pandemic.

“Three stops, then you alight at Rijana,” Ade repeats a little later on in the journey as he moves across the aisle checking passengers’ tickets, punching two holes in each. “The train only stops briefly at every station. It does not wait for long,” he warns us.
 

An economic invigoration?

Poor transport infrastructure has long been a big hindrance to economic development in Nigeria. This railway line, opened by President Muhammadu Buhari in 2016, is the first of the country’s standard gauge railway modernisation projects, accommodating high-speed rail lines. It is part of an attempt to reinvigorate Africa’s largest economy as railways make a comeback after decades of neglect.

The British colonial government completed Nigeria’s first rail infrastructure more than 100 years ago to aid the movement of agricultural goods from the northern region to the ports in the south. The service began to decline in the 1970s due to a fall in agricultural exports, mismanagement and government neglect. By 2009, the number of annual passenger rail trips in Nigeria had fallen from its 1963 heyday of 11 million to just one million.

The new standard gauge line – the most widely-used railway track around the world for high-speed trains – connects Abuja with the former colonial capital of northern Nigeria, Kaduna, as part of the $1 trillion Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) unveiled by China in 2013. Nigeria’s 200 million-strong population serves as a ready market for Chinese exports and technology. It is also a lucrative access point into West Africa and the rest of the continent for Chinese exporters.

Matthew T Page, associate fellow of the Africa Programme at Chatham House, the international affairs think-tank based in London, explains that China’s strategic interest in Nigeria is important for the African country’s status as an emerging global power, with huge unmet demand for infrastructure projects.

“It’s a very natural connection,” he says. “Rail projects financed by low-interest Chinese loans allow the Chinese entrepreneurial class in the diaspora to establish themselves in Nigeria, Africa’s largest consumer market where there is a huge demand for Chinese exports. For the Nigerian government, the cost of building and refurbishing the rail would be an extremely large expense.”

The Kaduna railway line began operating in July 2016 with the aim of enabling faster movement of goods and people, easing road traffic congestion and promoting the economic development of towns along the route.

At the opening ceremony of the railway with its nine new stations, President Buhari announced that the service would provide a much-needed alternative transport link between the two cities. The main terminus at Idu Station in Abuja is a large grey building. The substations along the line are similar, albeit smaller, cream-coloured buildings.

But while the railway recorded about one million passengers in its first two years of operation, it has not produced the economic invigoration that the communities hosting the substations hoped for. Residents say the cost of train tickets is prohibitive and the substations are difficult to access.
 

Confusion

After a 40-minute ride from Rigasa through landscapes of lush green savannah, the train arrives at Rijana station, an agrarian and grazing village along the expressway road.

As the doors of the train open, the photographer and I jump out and find ourselves not on a platform, but right in the middle of two tracks, sandwiched between two locomotives, one racing towards Kaduna and another – the one from which we have just alighted – towards Abuja. The sound of the trains – which reach speeds of more than 100km/h (62mph) – is deafening.

At the entrance to Rijana station, a scowling station manager flanked by four other members of staff, three men and a woman, enquires about why we have stopped at the station. He looks to be in his 50s and is dressed in a flowing blue kaftan and traditional blue cap. He is dismissive of our pleasantries.

“Did you buy a ticket for Rijana?” he asks. “If you bought a ticket for Abuja then why are you dropping here?” We explain that we need to stop at the substations between Kaduna and Abuja and ask to buy a ticket from Rijana to the next station at Jere, a journey of about 40 minutes.

There are just four return train trips a day from Kaduna to Abuja. Passengers can only buy one-way, single-use tickets up to two hours before departure from Kaduna, with the date and details of the departure and arrival stations imprinted on them. Passengers making multiple stops along the line have not been anticipated.

The station manager informs us that passengers can only buy tickets physically at departing stations and that the substations no longer sell them. He cannot explain the rationale for this, but says it is a directive from the Nigerian Railway Corporation. He suggests we hail a commercial taxi driving from Kaduna to Abuja on the expressway and get out at Jere, which is just less than an hour away by road.

Our attempts to telephone the NRC via the contact numbers displayed on its website – for help with buying a new ticket – prove futile as both go unanswered.

The station at Rijana consists of a single trackside platform and a modern station building; its red roof standing out against the backdrop of surrounding farmland. Inside, there is a barricaded ticket sales area, a sparse waiting room and some office spaces. From the station, it is a 15-minute walk along a footpath through bushes and farmland to the main expressway that leads into Rijana town.
 

Bandits and kidnappers

Rijana has become infamous as a hub for banditry and ransom kidnappings, both of which have become rampant on the Kaduna-Abuja highway and across other parts of northern Nigeria. At its peak in November 2019, almost 10 kidnappings a day were taking place on this stretch of highway alone, according to the commander of the Nigerian police Intelligence Response Squad (IRT), Abba Kyari.

Thick rows of trees serve as a cover for the armed gangs that pounce, brandishing firearms, on unsuspecting road travellers, pulling them from their vehicles.

They abduct both rich and poor, demanding ransoms of between $1,000 and $150,000, depending on the wealth of the victims and their families. About $11m was extorted in this way between January 2016 and March 2020. Commuters between Kaduna and Abuja have resorted to using the train to avoid the risk of kidnapping, however not everyone can afford the train fare and with so few trains running, many travellers have no option but to risk the road.

Just a few days before our journey, the Nigerian Air Force claimed an air attack had killed several armed bandits in the forests surrounding Rijana.

At a minimarket on the Abuja-Kaduna expressway, a 20-minute walk from Rijana station, we meet 45-year-old shopkeeper Ali Abubakar, who is dressed in a blue kaftan with a matching cap. He is selling soft drinks, foodstuff and household items in his store, which can hold only three people at a time.

I buy a can of malt drink and sit with him on a wooden bench outside the shop. He tells me that he believes the seven identical substations located in towns and villages between Kaduna and Abuja are too far from the towns and that the train fare is too high to serve as a proper alternative to road transport for village dwellers and traders like him.

“If it is meant for the towns and villages with the substations then it should not be this expensive,” he says. Abubakar travels to Kaduna by road at least once a week for business, a distance of less than 60km (37 miles), at a cost of about 300 naira ($0.78) for a commercial bus ride.
 

Locals priced out

When the Abuja-Kaduna rail service commenced operations, economy class tickets cost 600 naira (about $1.50), while the VIP coaches cost 900 naira ($2.35). The first-class coaches have a bar within, extra legroom and a table for each rider for eating or reading.

In April 2020, the federal government suspended commercial services because of the pandemic. But operations resumed four months later in July, with an increase in fares approved by President Buhari. Now an economy class ticket between Kaduna and Abuja costs 3,000 naira ($8), while the VIP ticket costs 6,000 naira ($16). By contrast, travelling by road using commercial taxis or buses costs about 1,500 naira ($4). Almost half the population of Nigeria live in poverty, earning less than $1 per day.

“With the current kidnappings happening every day on this road, it is only the rich that can afford the safety of the train,” says Abubakar.

“But for someone like me, I cannot afford the train so I have to follow the road and hope my luck doesn’t run out. When you are unlucky and they [the kidnappers] get you, your family has to source money for your ransom, and if they do not meet the deadline, nobody hears from you again,” he adds.

“Some of my own friends and neighbours have disappeared due to this situation. The ransoms could not be paid and they never came back.”

Fifty-seven-year-old market trader Kabiru Salisu wears a flowing multi-patterned kaftan. For more than 40 years, he has been selling sugarcane that he grows on a small farm in Rijana. He has never been to the train station that is less than 15 minutes from his farm since it opened in 2016.

“I do not earn anything there. I do not benefit at all from there. What will take me there?” he asks, offering us sticks of sugarcane. “In my whole life I have never set foot in Abuja, so what do I need the train for?”
 

The commuters

But, for those who can afford it, the train offers a safer way to travel between the two cities.

Most of the travellers are civil servants who work in Abuja, but due to the high cost of rent in the capital, commute in from Kaduna where housing is cheaper. These weekly commuters between Kaduna and Abuja are the main targets of the bandits and kidnappers.

Before the onset of the pandemic and the introduction of social distancing measures, passengers bought standing tickets after seats filled up for the two-hour train journey, for the same price as a seat. They leant on chairs or squeezed into aisle spaces, making the trains overcrowded and frequently increasing train capacity from its 1,000 seats to nearly 4,000 passengers each time.

When we started our journey in Kaduna, we met Maryam Ahmad. The 22-year-old works for a non-governmental organisation (NGO) in Kaduna and uses the train service to visit her sister in Abuja on weekends. As she relaxes into her seat, she whips out her phone to take selfies and record videos with the cream-coloured interior of the train carriage in the background. She will post them on Instagram, where she has thousands of followers. It is a popular pursuit with many young travellers who document their train travel experience on their social media accounts.

“The train is the safest option right now, but the commotion of getting a ticket can be stressful,” she says as the train starts to move and she changes position to take another selfie. There is no e-ticketing facility, so you have to physically buy tickets. Furthermore, some passengers have accused train officials of hoarding tickets and selling them just before the train departs at inflated prices.

“Also getting to the train station in Rigasa is difficult. It is quite far from the centre of Kaduna town,” she says. “If the road was safer, I would have travelled by taxi to Abuja, it is much easier and stress-free. It is fun travelling by train but the car parks are more accessible than the train station, both in Kaduna and Abuja.”

For another passenger, Nafisa Abubakar, a 27-year-old entrepreneur and resident of Abuja, the cost of the tickets is also a concern. “I always board the VIP section for my round trip when travelling on the train, but I can’t afford to do that any more, it is too expensive,” she says. “So I have had to sacrifice the comfort of the VIP section for the economy class because following the road is not an option for me. It is better to pay 3,000 naira on the train than follow the road and be kidnapped.”
 

A ticket home

On the other side of the Kaduna-Abuja expressway at Rijana, we hail a Volkswagen van heading towards Abuja. There are seven other passengers cramped inside the vehicle. It costs 400 naira ($1) for a drop off at Jere, a distance of about 50km (31 miles) and the next town with a train station after Rijana.

At Jere, a group of commercial motorcycle riders waits by the side of the expressway for passengers getting off the bus. One takes us through the hills and farmland to the railway station, a journey of 10 minutes.

It is the peak of the rainy season and the road to the train station at Jere is waterlogged and inaccessible for vehicles larger than our motorbike. There is no sign of passengers waiting at the station; the only people here are the maize farmers tilling their nearby farmlands.

Unlike the station manager at Rijana, the official at Jere tells us that the Kaduna-bound train from Abuja can pick us up from Jere station for 1,100 naira ($2.9). There is no explanation as to why the situation is different here and the tickets he gives us are official NRC tickets with “departure from: Jere” and “destination: Rigasa” imprinted on them. It will be the last train of the day, after which the station will close, so we decide to return to Kaduna.
 

Few economic benefits

When the Kaduna-Abuja rail link was completed in 2016, there was a buzz of anticipation amid hopes it would have a positive knock-on effect on the economies of satellite towns like Rijana and Jere.

Tolu Ogunlesi, the special assistant to Nigeria’s president on digital and new media, blogged earlier this year about how the rail projects would “open up” towns and cities.

Abdulaziz Halliru, a father of two in his 30s, lives in a new apartment 10 minutes from the Jere substation. He works as an estate agent and rears goats and sheep on the side.

Halliru, who wears a pink Juventus shirt and grey tracksuit, says he has never used the train due to its limited schedule. But he still hopes it could bring positive economic developments to his town, especially in real estate.

“The station here can serve as a train junction for travellers from the southern part of Kaduna and Niger State, and, if properly utilised, can turn Jere into an economic hub,” he says. “I am really happy the rail line passes through this town.”

When we board the train at Jere to head back to Kaduna, we cannot find seats as all of the coaches have been filled to half capacity and the other seats must remain empty due to social distancing protocols. Alternate seats are marked off with red masking tape, and the train conductors ensure passengers do not sit in them.

We squeeze into space at the end of the train between the luggage racks and the toilets and remain there for the hour-long journey to Rigasa station, the final stop in Kaduna.

Two ticket officers on the train have taken pictures of the tickets we bought at Jere – surprised that we were able to buy them. They repeat what the staff at Rijana told us – that the substations do not sell tickets.

Later on, when I am able to talk to someone from the NRC, I am told that tickets are no longer supposed to be sold at the substations – due to a lack of demand – but that the Jere station manager may not have received this message yet due to a “problem with communication”.
 

‘I would rather walk’


Arriving back at Rigasa train station, we are welcomed by the sight of fast-food joints, hawkers selling face masks, groundnuts, soft drinks and phone chargers, among other things. It is a stark contrast to the empty substations we visited on our journey.
To avoid the infamous kidnapping gangs on the Kaduna-Abuja road, thousands of travellers arrive at Rigasa every day to board the train to Abuja. As a result, businesses in Rigasa are booming, with a new shopping mall opposite the station and real estate investors developing new properties.

The state government has also built a new dual-carriageway road to connect the train station with Kaduna city centre in an effort to make it easier to reach the station.

Sixteen-year-old Haruna Salisu works as a payments collector in one of the numerous private car parks near the station. Passengers travelling to Abuja can leave their cars here to be watched over for 500 naira ($1.3) a day. There are more than 50 cars parked there when we arrive and Salisu explains how he now makes enough money not to have to ask his parents for any.

Despite this, the train ride from Kaduna to Abuja is nothing more than a dream for a local like him. “I would rather walk to Abuja than pay 6,000 naira [$16] for a ticket,” he says as he directs a driver out of the open-air car park.

As the sun begins to recede into the Rigasa skyline, the fourth and final train of the day to Abuja gets ready to depart. On a bridge above the tracks, children run to get a glimpse of it.

Fourteen-year-old Aisha Badamasi, who sells corn by the side of the road, dashes across the bridge to wave the train goodbye.

“I don’t know where Abuja is, but I know that is where the train goes,” she says. “Maybe one day I can take the train too and see the city where President Buhari is living. Maybe,” she giggles shyly, as the train disappears from view.

By Sada Malumfashi

Al Jazeera

Nigeria 'rogue' police unit banned from stop and search

Nigeria's inspector general of police has banned a notorious unit from carrying out stop and search duties and setting up roadblocks amid growing anger at routine harassment and atrocities allegedly committed by its officers.

Mohammed Adamu also said members of the Special Anti Robbery Squad (SARS) must always wear uniforms.

Videos shared recently on social media appear to show officers extorting money and even shooting people.

Nigerians want SARS disbanded.

The hashtag #EndSARS is trending on Twitter, triggered by the alleged killing of a young man by officers from the unit in the city of Lagos on Saturday.

Many people are also using the hashtag to share stories of brutality attributed to the police unit.

Lagos Governor Sanwo-Olu tweeted on Sunday: "Appropriate actions will be taken, and speedily too".
SARS and other tactical police units have been banned from "invasion of privacy of citizens particularly through indiscriminate and unauthorised search of mobiles, laptops and smart devices," Mr Adamu said in a statement on Sunday.

They should, he said, focus on cases of armed robberies, kidnapping and other violent crimes. He also said that police commissioners and commanders would be held liable for misconduct of officers in the areas they were in charge of.

Three years ago Nigeria's police chief ordered an immediate re-organisation of the SARS after public outcry, but little, if any, changed according to an Amnesty International investigation published in June.

The rights group accused SARS officers of using "torture and other ill-treatment to execute, punish and extract information from suspects".

It documented 82 cases between January 2017 and May 2020.

Amnesty found the group allegedly targeted men between the ages of 17 and 30.

"Young men with dreadlocks, ripped jeans, tattoos, flashy cars or expensive gadgets are frequently targeted by SARS," the organisation said.

"The Nigerian authorities must go beyond lip service and ensure there is real reform, " Osai Ojigho, director of Amnesty International Nigeria, said about the findings.

BBC

Friday, October 2, 2020

A Nigerian Finds Hard Truths — And Hope — In Netflix Series On Nigeria



The street where I grew up in Kano, northwest Nigeria, is called Independence Road. Each day, it reminded me of Nigeria's independence and sovereignty from Great Britain on Oct. 1, 1960.

This year, as the country marks its 60th anniversary, celebrations will be muted due to COVID-19-related restrictions. But as many Nigerians stay home to celebrate, I hope they will watch the Netflix documentary series Journey of an African Colony, The Making of Nigeria, produced and narrated by Olasupo Shasore, the former attorney general and commissioner for justice in Lagos State and a historian and writer. The series, which has its world premiere on Thursday on the streaming service, traces Nigeria's history of slave trade and colonial occupation — and then independence.

As a Nigerian living in Nigeria, I found the documentary a powerful reminder that to truly celebrate this country's independence, we must take stock of where we came from.

The series begins with clips of Great Britain handing over the reins of power to Nigeria on Sept. 30, 1960. I was happy that it opened with interviews with two women who witnessed Nigeria's first Independence Day celebrations. This is a departure from the usual focus on men for such interviews.

Both women described the joy and pride they felt witnessing such a momentous occasion at the Independence Day ceremony at Race Course (now called Tafawa Balewa Square) in Lagos on Sept. 30, 1960. "I can still remember I was watching that flag. It was the British flag I was watching coming down, coming down, and the Nigerian flag, going up, going up," said Francesca Emmanuel, a former federal permanent secretary, in the documentary. "When the Nigerian flag got to the top, the whole of the racecourse lit up and then they shouted — and then the fireworks! It was a memorable early morning." As a Nigerian, I could relate to these feelings.

Shasore — whose books, A Platter of Gold: Making Nigeria and Possessed: A History Of Law & Justice In The Crown Colony Of Lagos 1861-1906, form the basis of the documentary — then takes viewers through the history of slavery. He says that "the transatlantic slave trade is the greatest human dispersal in history." He argues that Nigeria's role in slavery has not been properly acknowledged by historians. For example, slave merchants transported more than 4 million slaves from Nigeria to the west.

This documentary reminds me of my visit to Ghana in 2005 as part of my international fellowship with the Ford Foundation. A cohort of fellows from Ghana, Nigeria and Senegal visited the famous Elmina Castle to learn about the slave trade. Built by the Portuguese in the late 1400s, it became an important stop on the route of the Atlantic slave trade. We saw the "door of no return" gate. Once a slave passed through, there was no going back but onward, in shackles, to foreign lands.

Shasore reminds viewers that the slave trade run by European countries would not have been successful without participation of locals — an idea that started becoming prominent among Nigerians a few years ago. I myself was not aware of this until Nigerian writer Adaobi Tricia Nwaubani wrote about it in The New Yorker in 2018. In the piece, she told of her great-grandfather's role as a slave trader: "Long before Europeans arrived, Igbos enslaved other Igbos as punishment for crimes, for the payment of debts, and as prisoners of war. The practice differed from slavery in the Americas: slaves were permitted to move freely in their communities and to own property, but they were also sometimes sacrificed in religious ceremonies or buried alive with their masters to serve them in the next life," she wrote.

Sometimes I wish I could speak to my great-grandparents to hear their stories about the slave trade. Maybe they were enslaved. Maybe other family members of friends were enslaved. Sadly, they died decades before I was born. However, both my uncle Victor Nsofor and Obidinma Onyemelukwe, a professor and a member of my hometown Nanka's leadership council in southeast Nigeria, confirmed to me that there was a slave market in one of our villages. Indeed, the slave trade was closer than I knew. The next time I go to my village, I will visit and explore the site of Eke Ntai slave market in Amako village. According to scholars, local slavery in southeast Nigeria continued until the 1950s.

A recurring message in the documentary is the forceful removal of Black Africans from their communities to become slaves. Consequently, they lost connections to their roots. However, within the past two decades, DNA testing has helped Africans in the diaspora trace their roots back. For example, the late actor Chadwick Boseman was part Yoruba (Nigerian) and Limba (Sierra Leonian), pastor T.D. Jakes and actor Forrest Whitaker both have Igbo ancestries, and CNN journalist Don Lemon is part Nigerian, Ghanaian and Congolese.

After the slave trade ended came colonial occupation. At the Berlin Conference of 1884, European nations carved up the continent and shared the different nations among themselves. I believe it was all about human trafficking, which was sanctioned by the state, clergy and businesses. Great Britain's share were the nations that now make up present-day Nigeria.

The British colonialists ended up stitching together a country made of diverse cultures. Nigeria has more than 250 ethnicities and above 500 languages! These nations within Nigeria have been battling to live in peace with each other since Nigeria's independence. Some ethnic groups have called for secession. Between 1967 and 1970, Nigeria fought a brutal civil war, which led to deaths of at least 1 million Igbos. My only maternal uncle fought in the war and never returned. Although the Biafra-Nigeria civil war ended 50 years ago, the push for nation-building continues among all ethnic groups.

I am Igbo from the southeast part of Nigeria. I grew up in Kano state in northwest Nigeria, my wife is from Edo state, in southern Nigeria and my mother-in-law is from Lagos state in southwest Nigeria. Therefore, my two daughters have Igbo, Edo and Yoruba ancestries. My nuclear family is a microcosm of Nigeria, spanning formerly different nations. To me, Nigeria should not fail. It would be like my family failing.

I want Nigerians to live in peace. However, impacts of slave trade and colonialism continue to threaten our cohesion. Although on paper Nigeria is independent, it is not fully so given its overt dependence on foreign donors to fund social services despite the country's ability to pay for much of the services itself. For instance, Nigeria's total annual health expenditure is $10 billion. While $7.7 billion is spent by Nigerians as they pay for health services, the government and nonprofit organizations in Nigeria focus more on maintaining the $1.1 billion of total international donor support. Nigeria should instead put effort into finding creative ways to fund its health system by looking inward and rechanneling available resources.

Shasore's documentary made me realize that all the nations that make up Nigeria went through the trauma of slavery and colonialism. We need to constantly remind ourselves of our shared painful history so we can all heal together as a united Nigeria.

By Ifeanyi Nsofor

NPR

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Thursday, October 1, 2020

Measure to Punish Rapists with Castration Raises Concern in Nigeria

Nigerian lawmakers in the northwestern state of Kaduna have approved a measure to castrate men convicted of raping children under the age of 14. The controversial law comes in the wake of public outrage over the rising number of rape cases in recent months. But while supporters praise the new law as a move to defend women and children, some human rights activists say it is too harsh and may even fail to deter perpetrators.

It’s a typical lonely day for thirteen-year-old Amina, (not her real name), in a safe house located in Rigasa area of Kaduna state.

She was brought here one month ago after being raped by three men from her neighborhood.

She feeds her pet cat as she recounts her ordeal.

“I was hanging around the shops, I didn’t want to go inside the house because my stepmom was beating me. They called me and gave me a drink and then raped me,” she said.

Amina is not the only girl being held here. Her roommate, also a teenage girl, said she had been molested by her own father.

Amina says she’s even more upset because her father, a police officer, dismissed the case after being bribed by her attackers.

“I feel bad that my dad did that,” she said.

But Amina’s case has been re-opened with help from Samira Modibbo — a Kaduna-based activist who is one of the coordinators of the state-led campaign against rape.

The three men have been re-arrested and are awaiting judgement. They could be among the first to be surgically castrated under a new law punishing rapists of children under the age of 14, says Modibbo.

"Anyone that could rape a child does not deserve to live. And I actually stand by that because it takes a monster to be able to do that. There are a lot of things that comes with the sexual assault of kids. It’s not just about the emotional damages. There are physical damages and sometimes for the rest of their lives,” she said.

Nigeria's federal law provides between 14 years and life imprisonment as punishment for rape, but states can set different sanctions.

Human rights lawyer Okoro Kelechi argues the new law is too harsh and may fail to address the issue.

“I don’t think surgical castration addresses the root problem of rape because rape occurs more in the mind than in the act. I like to look at it as something that is more psychological. It goes beyond the sex. So, it’s not about the utensil or the tool used to achieve sexual pleasure,” he said.

Local aid agencies in Kaduna say over 400 cases of rape were reported in the state during the coronavirus lockdown.

No one knows whether many more states in Nigeria will adopt this new law. But activists like Madibbo say they will remain vigilant to ensure children are protected and offenders are held accountable. 

By Timothy Obiezu

Related story: Nigerian state says rapists will face surgical castration

VOA

Thursday, September 24, 2020

Nigeria fuel tanker crash kills 23 people

At least 23 people were killed after a petrol tanker overturned and caught fire on a busy road in Nigeria’s central state of Kogi.

The tanker lost control and rammed into five cars, three tricycles and two motorcycles on the Lokoja-Abuja highway on Wednesday.

It reportedly fell on one of the five cars carrying a family, crushing them to death before bursting into flames, local media reported.

Kogi State Sector Commander of the Federal Road Safety Corp Idris Fika Ali confirmed that 23 people were killed in the explosion while one child survived with injuries.

He went on to say that the occupants of the 10 vehicles involved have been killed.

“The death of 23 people as confirmed by the Federal Road Safety Commission, represents another disturbing and saddening incident in the litany of tragedies that have befallen our country,” President Muhammadu Buhari said in a statement.

“I am seriously worried about the frequency of these unfortunate and large scale tragedies in the country which cause needless deaths,” he added.

Bisi Kazeem, a spokesman for the Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC), said nine children were involved in the accident, which happened opposite a petrol station along the highway.

Traffic accidents are common in Nigeria, where roads are ill-maintained and safety standards poor.

Al Jazeera

Tuesday, September 22, 2020

Facebook to open Africa office in Lagos, Nigeria

 Facebook announced plans for a new office in Lagos, Nigeria in the coming year.

The Lagos division will host teams specialised in engineering, sales, politics and communications. The Lagos office will also be Facebook’ssecond office on the African continent after its Johannesburg bureau in South Africa

Facebook hopes to develop products made by Africans, for Africans and the rest of the world.

In 2016, Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg went on his first business in Africa, meeting Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari and local businessmen in Legos, where he now plans to further implement his company.

Facebook’s expansion on the African continent will certainly be watched by western African countries.

According to a study commissioned by the Social Media company, Facebook’s investments in infrastructures and connectivity in Sub saharian africa coul generate over 57 billion dollars for african economies over the next 5 years.

 CGTN

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