Tuesday, December 17, 2024

Almost 800 arrested over Nigerian crypto-romance scam

Nigeria's anti-graft agency said it had arrested 792 suspects in a raid on a building believed to be a hub for fraudsters who lured victims with offers of romance, then pressed them to hand over cash for phoney cryptocurrency investments.

The suspects, including 148 Chinese and 40 Filipino nationals, were detained on Dec. 10 at the seven-storey Big Leaf Building in Lagos, Nigeria's commercial capital, Economic and Financial Crimes Commission spokesperson Wilson Uwujaren said.

The luxury building housed a call centre mostly targeting victims from the Americas and Europe, he added.

Staff there would make contact with people through social media and messaging platforms, including WhatsApp and Instagram, then seduce them online or offer them apparently lucrative investment opportunities, Uwujaren told reporters.

Once victims were hooked, they were pressured to transfer money for fake cryptocurrency schemes and other non-existent projects.

"Nigerian accomplices were recruited by the foreign kingpins to prospect for victims online through phishing, targeting mostly Americans, Canadians, Mexicans and several others from European countries," Uwujaren said.

"Once the Nigerians are able to win the confidence of would-be victims, the foreigners would take over the actual task of defrauding the victims," he said.

Uwujaren said the Commission was collaborating with international partners and would look into potential links to organised crime. Its agents seized computers, phones and vehicles in the raid, he added.

Reuters

Related story: Stop Sextortion - bereaved parents' appeal to criminals in Nigeria

Monday, December 16, 2024

Oil spill occurs at Shell terminal in Nigeria

An oil spill has occurred at the Shell loading terminal in Nigeria's Delta region after a pipeline ruptured, Nigeria's maritime agency said on Sunday.

The Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA) said the spill which occurred on Saturday at the Bonny terminal has reached shoreline and that it was actively monitoring the situation.

NIMASA added that it was also working with Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC) and other stakeholders to assess the extent of the spill and follow-up actions.

The maritime agency said SPDC has shut down the affected pipeline and deployed containment booms to protect neighbouring communities. 

By Camillus Eboh, Reuters

Related story: Video - Challenges arise as Shell plans exit from Nigeria

 

Nigeria reopens embassy in North Korea after nearly four-year pandemic closure

Nigeria has reopened its embassy in Pyongyang after closing the mission in early 2021 due to the pandemic, making it only the second African country with an active foothold in North Korea.

The two countries have continued diplomatic relations in the interim years through the still-open DPRK Embassy in Abuja, though accusations have emerged of attempted weapons trading between the two countries in violation of sanctions.

The Russian Embassy in Pyongyang stated in a Facebook post on Dec. 12 that Patrick Imodu Imologhome is Nigeria’s charge d’affaires and that he had “recently arrived” in Pyongyang.

Russian Ambassador to the DPRK Alexander Matsegora reportedly met Imologhome on Dec. 11 and discussed “current issues concerning the Korean Peninsula.” Matsegora offered to help the Nigerians get resettled in Pyongyang after their extended absence.

The Chinese Embassy also reported that Ambassador Wang Yajun met Imologhome on Dec. 13, though the report only mentioned discussions of China-Nigeria ties.

Nigerian President Bola Tinubu appointed Imologhome as charge d’affaires back in April, according to the country’s foreign ministry, but neither side has reported details about an ambassador.

Imologhome previously served as a minister at the Nigerian Embassy to the Vatican.

His arrival ends a closure of the Nigerian Embassy in Pyongyang that lasted about three years and nine months, after the last diplomats left Pyongyang in March 2021. This followed a general exodus of most embassies due to North Korea’s strict COVID-19 rules that forbid inbound travel and restricted imports, leading to shortages and reduced quality of life for diplomats.

Pyongyang didn’t start to allow foreign diplomats back into the country until early 2023. Egypt is the only other African country with an active embassy in North Korea, its charge d’affaires remaining in Pyongyang throughout the pandemic.

North Korea appointed its ambassador to Nigeria, Jon Tong Chol, in early 2018, and he has remained in Abuja throughout the pandemic.

Ambassador Jon has held frequent meetings with Nigerian foreign ministry officials in Abuja in recent years, though most public reports have lacked details about their discussions. He signed a memorandum of understanding on cooperation in public health in 2020.

Though Nigeria claimed compliance with U.N. sanctions measures requiring all North Korean workers in the country to be expelled by late Dec. 2019, some health workers reportedly did not return home.

Jon also called for increasing parliamentary exchanges during a meeting with the leader of Nigeria’s ruling All Progressives Congress party in late 2023.

U.N. Panel of Experts reports in recent years have suggested that Pyongyang has used Nigeria as a staging ground or home base for conducting business in violation of sanctions, including weapons deals.

A Panel report in late 2022 said an unnamed U.N. member state had provided evidence that the DPRK’s Haegumgang Trading Corporation attempted “to broker the sale of approximately $3.5 million worth of military-related equipment to Nigeria.”

North Korea has also reportedly employed the help of a Nigerian influencer to launder illicit funds, while DPRK government-connected companies are alleged to have ignored sanctions to work with Nigerian companies in more money-laundering schemes.

Pyongyang signaled interest in developing economic ties by sending then-vice cabinet premier Ri Ryong Nam to Abuja for high-level talks in 2019.

By Colin Zwirko, NK News

Shell invests in Bonga North deep-water project in Nigeria

Shell said on Monday its Nigerian subsidiary has announced a final investment decision (FID) on Bonga North, a deep-water project off the coast of Nigeria.

The project, which will help maintain oil and gas production at Bonga, will be connected to Shell's Floating Production Storage and Offloading (FPSO) facility, where the oil major holds a 55% stake.

Shell said Bonga North has an estimated recoverable resource volume of more than 300 million barrels of oil equivalent (boe) and will reach peak production of 110,000 barrels of oil per day (boepd), with first oil expected by the end of the decade.

Reuters

West African bloc pins hopes on ambitious superhighway from Ivory Coast to Nigeria

West African leaders are holding a crucial summit in Nigeria's capital Abuja, focusing on the morale-sapping departure of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger from their 15-member bloc Ecowas.

Few think the military rulers of the three dissident states can be persuaded to pause or reverse their decision.

While faced with this blow to regional unity, West Africa is also poised to start work on a 1,028km (689 miles) highway from Ivory Coast's main city Abidjan - through Ghana, Togo and Benin - to Nigeria's biggest city Lagos.

Construction is supposed to start in 2026 and pledges of $15.6bn (£12.3bn) have already been mobilised from a range of funders and investors.

Just as Western Europe matched the Soviet-led communist bloc with a "Common Market" that later evolved into today's trading powerhouse, the European Union (EU), so Ecowas may find that a drive for prosperity and growth proves to be its most effective response to the wave of military coups and nationalism that have swept across the region since 2020.

The plan to build a modern transport corridor along the West African coast was originally approved eight years ago - long before the coups that have overturned civilian rule in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger.

Preparatory studies, led by the African Development Bank, were commissioned.

But when these were presented last month, the timing could hardly have come at a better moment for reinvigorating the battered self-confidence of Ecowas (Economic Community of West African States).

Neither traditional diplomacy, nor sanctions, nor even the threat of military intervention in Niger, had managed to push the juntas into organising elections and restoring civilian government, as required by Ecowas governance rules.

The defiant regimes declared they would leave the 15-member bloc altogether.

They have subsequently spurned the remaining members' efforts to persuade them to stay, although the Ecowas envoy, Senegal's new, young President Bassirou Diomaye Faye, who shares their nationalistic outlook, is still trying.

Until this crisis, Ecowas was Africa's most cohesive and politically integrated regional grouping, with a creditable record of crisis management and even the deployment of peacekeepers in troubled member states.

With the departure of Mali, Burkina and Niger, the bloc will lose 76 million of its 446 million people and more than half its total geographical land area, with the loss of vast tracts of the Sahara – a painful blow to prestige and self-belief.

The shock of the three countries' withdrawal may boost those pushing for tougher governance and democracy rules.

Meanwhile, the ambitious coastal transport corridor project, conceived to support economic development, will also serve a political purpose - demonstrating the remaining member countries' capacity to work together and accelerating the trade growth and investment attraction of coastal urban West Africa, already the most prosperous part of this vast region.

And just as the EU's wealth and dynamism proved a powerful attraction for former communist states, perhaps rising prosperity across Ecowas will eventually entice the now disenchanted further north states into rejoining the bloc.

Construction of the proposed four-to-six lane motorway is forecast to create 70,000 jobs, with completion ambitiously targeted for 2030.

And the plan is to acquire a sufficiently broad strip of land along the route to later accommodate a new railway line, linking the big port cities along the Gulf of Guinea. Existing rail routes extend inland, but there is no rail line along the coast.

The road will connect many of West Africa's largest cities - Abidjan, with 8.3 million people, Accra (4 million), Lomé (2 million), Cotonou (2.6 million) and Lagos, estimated at close to 20 million or perhaps even more.

Several of the cities are key gateway ports for the flow of trade in and out of the region.

Already the bureaucratic hassles and risks of petty corruption that have so often complicated life for drivers passing from one country to the next are beginning to wane.

At many border crossings, modern one-stop frontier posts, where officials from both countries work side by side to check passports and transit documents, have replaced the assorted huts where drivers and passengers queued at a succession of counters while one set of border police and customs officers after another laboriously worked their way through the formalities.

And now the proposed highway and rail line promise to further speed the flow of trade and travel between the coastal economies, boosting competitiveness and integration and transforming the region's attraction for investors - just as the EU transformed trade and development across the European continent.

And that process of economic and administrative integration of course had enormous political consequences.

It acted as a powerful incentive for countries still outside the bloc to improve economic governance, strengthen democracy and tackle corruption, in the hope of qualifying for membership.

Perhaps Ecowas can emulate this precedent, and lure the dissident states into re-joining, particularly if flagship projects such as the transport corridor give a real fillip to growth.

For not only do Mali, Niger and Burkina face severe development and security challenges, but they are also all landlocked, and heavily dependent on their coastal neighbours, through transport, trade and labour migration.

Huge volumes of trade, formal and informal, flow across the borders.

Livestock from the three countries in the Sahel is exported on the hoof to feed city dwellers in Dakar, Abidjan and Lagos.

Onions and potatoes grown in Niger's arid climate are prized by coastal household shoppers, while Ivorian, Ghanaian and Nigerian manufactured goods are exported in the opposite direction.

Millions of Burkinabès and Malians are settled in Ivory Coast, a mainstay of the workforce for its cocoa plantations.

Moreover, the coup leaders are not pulling out of the West African CFA franc, an eight-country single currency, backed by France, that hampers competitiveness but provides a solid defence against inflation and monetary instability.

Yet these deep ties between the Sahelian countries and coastal West Africa were not sufficient to deter the military regimes in Mali, Burkina and Niger from announcing their withdrawal from Ecowas.

Hostility to the bloc, which they portray as bullying and arrogant, has paid political dividends, boosting their popularity at home. And Morocco talks of opening up an alternative trade corridor to its Atlantic ports, which could broaden the options.

But if the remaining Ecowas countries can accelerate their own drive for prosperity, pruning back trade barriers and pressing forward with breakthrough projects such as the coastal highway and rail line, then gradually they may salve today's political bruises and mistrusts and draw the Sahel states back into a reunified West African regional identity.

By Paul Melly, BBC