Tuesday, January 19, 2021

'The system is rigged': Seun Kuti on reviving Fela's political party

The musician and youngest son of the Afrobeat legend has been galvanised to act after police brutality in Nigeria


“For 60 years nothing has really been solved in this country,” Seun Kuti says. “Healthcare, education, electricity, transportation, welfare – nothing has been accomplished.”

Galvanised by the brutality meted out by Nigerian police against protesters in October last year, the 37-year-old Grammy-nominated musician and youngest son of the Afrobeat legend Fela Kuti resurrected his father’s socialist political party, the Movement of the People. Against a backdrop of widespread and mounting frustration over how Nigeria is run, he hopes the MOP can be a vehicle for change in 2021.

The “weird” past year was, he says, compounded by peculiarly Nigerian challenges. In October Kuti marched alongside thousands of others in the #EndSars protests against police brutality, nursing the wounds of shot demonstrators. The protests, some of the largest in Nigeria for decades, erupted after footage emerged of police brutality by the notorious Sars unit. But the underlying causes were broader, Kuti says. “The people made it known that EndSars was a slogan. How I interpreted it was they wanted an end to oppression, not just a manifestation of it that is Sars.”

More recently, he lost his band leader, Dave Obayendo. “We couldn’t even tell whether it was Covid or not, he wasn’t tested,” Kuti says. “The hospital turned him back. Before they took him to the next hospital, he died in the car.” The rejection of patients by hospitals is rife, he says, sometimes for issues such as a lack of adequate equipment.

The MOP was founded in 1979 by Fela before his sole, failed presidential bid, one episode of an extraordinary life of music and resistance during which he faced near-endless violence and suppression by Nigerian authorities.

According to Kuti, the prospects for anti-establishment parties, though still remote, are better now. “Today it will be easier for such a message to reach the core of Nigerian people than it was in the 70s. The problems are so glaring,” he says. “Elites have imposed this sinister, anti-poor capitalist system, going on for years and years, but are people really in favour of it? How can you be a capitalist with no capital? You’ll begin to see that the system is rigged.”

Kuti hopes the new version of the MOP, which brings together an array of small leftwing activist groups, will more effectively articulate these issues, “giving the masses a voice and building class consciousness”. But he scoffs at the prospect of a presidential run and says the group’s aims are long-term. “No, that’s not me. I’m an artist. But we will have candidates across the country for sure,” he says.

“The military hierarchy has consistently made sure that they are the ones in power, we have to put an end to it. We have to build a mass movement from the grassroots up, giving ordinary Nigerians a platform.”

A bleak sense of deja vu feels hard to ignore in Nigeria. In the 1980s Muhammadu Buhari, who is now the president, was a military dictator and a prime target of Fela’s ceaselessly political songwriting. Then as now, economic suffering, a weakening currency and a flailing anti-corruption campaign were causing widespread dismay.

The killing of scores of protesters by army and police officials in October, including at the Lekki tollgate area of Lagos, was one of several episodes where protesters and critics were attacked, arrested or met with state aggression.

“During one protest a guy came to my house who had a gunshot wound in his side like this,” Kuti says, gesturing to his torso. “People talk about the Lekki massacre but they shot people everywhere, people were shot to death all over Lagos.”

MOP’s first meeting was due to be held in December at Fela’s old club, Afrika Shrine, a bohemian enclave where he often performed. But scores of armed police surrounded the building and banned them from organising, so the meeting was held elsewhere.

“It just shows that they [the authorities] are spooked,” Kuti says. “They are trying to send a message, but they can’t stop what we’re doing.”

Rolling joints with his own self-branded rolling paper, Kuti describes how the absence of touring over the last year has been hard. “I miss my band, we had plans last year that were cancelled, but I’m hopeful we’ll start things up again this year,” he says. Playing his saxophone, he says, brings him joy.

Although music, family, and new business ventures to offset the lack of performing are time-consuming, political change is front of mind.

“Maybe it can be hard to be hopeful but I’m hopeful, Kuti says. “We want to set up different ways of reaching out to the masses because frankly they are ignored. We can’t bring change without the people, so giving them a voice is the most important thing.”

By Emmanuel Akinwotu

The Guardian

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Can the Milkmaid win Nigeria’s first Oscar?

When the Nigerian Official Selection Committee sat down to select Nigeria’s nominee for the 2021 Academy Awards last December, the jury voted overwhelmingly for Desmond Ovbiagele’s film The Milkmaid over the sex-trafficking drama Oloture and film festival toast Eyimofe.


Unlike Genevieve Nnaji’s Lionheart which the Academy disqualified from the international feature film category last year for having English as the main language of the script, The Milkmaid fulfils the requirement for a predominantly non-English dialogue track. It conveys authenticity with Hausa, Fulfulde and Arabic, three languages hermetically spoken throughout the film.

The film follows the story of two sisters, Aisha (Anthonieta Kalunta) and Zainab (Maryam Booth), who get separated when insurgents attack their village. Aisha is determined to rescue Zainab from her captors and traces her whereabouts to an enemy camp, where she is enslaved and treated inhumanely.

A sophomore feature from Ovbiagele after his 2014 crime thriller debut Return to Caesar, The Milkmaid is a compellingly superior entry into Nollywood’s Boko Haram-themed cinema.

The genre is relatively new, inspired by the Boko Haram insurgency in Northern Nigeria, which began its deadly uprising in 2009 and has claimed the lives of more than 37,000 people and displaced 2.5 million. Most of these films are not made to be box office hits as they usually employ largely unknown actors, so they sail under the radar.

But with Joel Kachi Benson’s Daughters of Chibok winning a Golden Lion at the 2019 Venice Film Festival and Netflix picking up Adekunle Adejuyigbe’s The Delivery Boy a year later, the genre is slowly occupying an expanding space in the public imagination and has set off some conversations about violence in society.

Tackling such sensitive issues as religious extremism and violence, The Milkmaid has predictably faced censorship at home. The Nigerian Film and Video Censors Board (NFVCB), the government agency whose mandate is to regulate the creation, distribution and exhibition of films and video products by rating them, denied the film classification because it felt it portrayed Islam as an enabler of religious extremism.

To obtain a classification for pubic screening in Nigeria, 24-minutes-worth of footage was cut from the director’s original version. “We had to remove everything – costume, dialogue, language that was an authentic depiction of a particular religion, even though there is nothing in the film that states that the religion was directly responsible for violence,” Ovbiagele said in a December 2020 interview.

The Milkmaid’s censorship was to be expected, considering the NFVCB’s history of stifling artistic freedom and paranoia that films can threaten national unity. The film does not suggest Islam inspires extremism and it also does not glorify terrorists and whatever their motivations are. Rather it exhumes the traumatic experiences of women and girls in a world blighted by insurgency. Although the film is yet to do a wide release, the response from the members of the Muslim community who have seen it at private viewings has been positive.

Because of censorship at home, The Milkmaid turned to Cameroon and Zimbabwe for its theatrical release in November, then went on a limited run with its toned-down cut in select Nigerian cinemas in afterwards. Garnering local buzz, the motion picture swept last year’s Africa Movie Academy Awards with eight nominations and four awards, including Best Film.

For the Oscars, Ovbiagele sent the film’s original version, which contains all the elements of a potential winner: a compelling story, captivating actors’ performance and masterful cinematography.

Through Ovbiagele’s deft handling of the camera, audiences can see how beauty tightly intertwines with violence, creating a stunning artistic patchwork. This visual language is defined by the crisp cinematography of Yinka Edwards whose technical detailing does not just dwell on scenery but also within interpersonal spaces.

At the core of that is a feminine reckoning with extremism and its fallouts – the abduction of women and girls, violence and enslavement.

There is something particularly auspicious about The Milkmaid’s Oscar campaign footprint. But will it appeal to the Academy?

Aside from its obvious artistic merit, the Oscar fate of The Milkmaid will be determined by how the Academy voters – representing the American audience – see anti-terrorism messaging almost 20 years after the start of the US “war on terror”.

Like Nollywood, Hollywood too has experienced a boom in the production of films inspired by the themes of extremism and insurgency. A few have even made it to the Oscars and won.

The genre has successfully propelled the US government narrative of its forces fighting foreign terrorism and restoring stability to faraway conflict-torn regions and has done little to illuminate the disastrous consequences of US anti-terror-driven imperialism.

Although it does not tackle the international aspect of the Boko Haram insurgency, The Milkmaid fits well into this mainstream US narrative about terrorism. Its story would feed into the American viewers’ self-righteous disdain for overseas terrorist groups and will probably be well received. Whether this is what the Academy will be looking for in this year’s international film feature category remains to be seen.

By Bernard Dayo

Al Jazeera

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Monday, January 18, 2021

Armed group captures military base in northeast Nigeria

Government troops and hundreds of residents have been forced to flee after an armed group overran a town and captured a military base in northeast Nigeria’s Borno state in an attack claimed by the ISIL (ISIS) group, security sources said.

Machinegun-wielding fighters from the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) attacked the base in the town of Marte in the Lake Chad area overnight on Friday into Saturday, two sources told AFP news agency.

“The priority now is to reclaim the base from the terrorists and an operation is under way,” one of the sources said on Saturday.

“We took a hit from ISWAP terrorists. They raided the base in Marte after a fierce battle.”

The second source said the army had “incurred losses” but it was not yet clear how many people had died or the level of destruction inflicted by the armed group.

An army statement said troops “tactically withdrew” to defend against an attack outside Marte. Troops had “effectively destroyed” seven gun trucks and “decimated” an unconfirmed number of attackers, it said.

The ISIL later posted a statement on its Amaq news channel on Telegram claiming responsibility for the attack.

Without giving further details, it said seven people had been killed, and one captured, and that its fighters had seized weapons, ammunition and six four-wheel-drive vehicles, as well as burning down the army barracks.

Marte remained under the control of the armed group on Saturday, security sources told Reuters news agency.
 

Precarious situation

Friday’s assault came just two months after residents driven from their homes by the violence had returned to the town under a government programme.

It underscores the precarious security situation in northeast Nigeria, and the difficulties the government faces as it tries to return people displaced by the violence.

ISWAP, which split from Boko Haram in 2016, maintains camps on islands in Lake Chad – where Nigeria, Niger, Cameroon and Chad meet – and the area is known to be the group’s bastion.

Last week, the fighters attacked the Marte base but were repelled, prompting them to mobilise more fighters for the overnight raid, sources said.

The raid was seen as a “fightback” after recent losses – troops recently overran ISWAP’s second-largest camp in Talala village, according to sources.

The town, 130km (80 miles) from the regional capital Maiduguri, was once considered the breadbasket of the Lake Chad region.

At least 36,000 people have been killed in the armed conflict since 2009 and violence has spread into neighbouring Niger, Chad and Cameroon, prompting the formation of a regional military coalition.


Al Jazeera

Friday, January 15, 2021

Nigerian Youth Propels the Country to the Top of Google Bitcoin Search Rankings

 

Nigeria, one of the biggest cryptocurrency markets in the world, recently emerged as the country with the highest number of bitcoin searches globally, according to Google Trends data. The data shows that the West African country has a search score of 100, which is more than double that of its nearest rival.


 

Youth-Driven Interest

According to one local report, Nigeria’s rise to the top of bitcoin search rankings signals the growing utility of the crypto in that country. The report also explains that country’s youth have been the decisive force behind this surge in bitcoin searches. This assertion is supported by Senator Ihenyen, the new president of the Stakeholders in the Blockchain Technology Association of Nigeria (SIBAN).

In his reaction to Nigeria’s new status, Ihenyen insists this is hardly surprising for a country with a “median age of 18.4.” He contends that in such a scenario, “interest in bitcoin and its adoption should be expected.”

As the Google Trends data confirms, the Nigerian interest in bitcoin is also decentralized with the Delta State ranked first in that country. Lagos, the “most populous city” in Africa is ranked a distant 17th. According to the SIBAN leader, this decentralization of interest suggests that BTC is seen by the youth as “represent(ing) the democratization of access to global wealth.”
 

Decentralized Interest

Meanwhile, Ihenyen points out that while institutional investor interest in bitcoin is taking hold in countries like the United States, interest for BTC “in Nigeria is as decentralized as the cryptocurrency itself.” The SIBAN president explains:

"Nigerians are experiencing the level of financial inclusion that many have expected for too long. The freedom of money is a powerful thing, especially in a borderless, digital economy. Whether for remittances, e-commerce, bitcoin trading, more and more Nigerians are taking interest in bitcoin daily."


According to Ihenyen, this growing interest be cannot be stopped but “can it be maximized and managed.” He adds that policymakers and regulators should therefore be searching for ways to maximize and manage this interest instead of “looking for the red button.”

In the meantime, the Google Trends data also shows that two more African countries, namely South Africa (2) and Ghana (5), make it into the top five of the rankings. The next highest-ranked African country to feature on the list is Kenya at number 14.

By Terence Zimwara

Bitcoin.com

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Nigerians say no to another lockdown

As nations go into another round of lockdowns in response to the second wave of coronavirus (COVID-19), Nigerians have warned government against shutting down the economy again, saying the impact of doing so will be deadlier than the effect of COIVID-19 itself.

At the height of the pandemic last year, many countries and territories around the world had enforced lockdown of varying degrees. Nigeria was not left out as it joined others to shut the economy for weeks.

No sooner had the pandemic abated and the world embraced a “new normal” than the UK discovered a new variant of the virus. It shut down London and some other places just before Christmas.

Since then, many countries have been forced to shut down in the bid to constrain the spread of the new variant, which is reported as more deadly. Among them are Germany, Greece, Ireland, Poland and Czech Republic, Italy and The Netherlands.

Just yesterday, Portugal imposed a tougher lockdown as numbers rose. The government ordered a strict nationwide lockdown, similar to one enacted almost a year ago. Citizens will only be permitted to leave their homes for shopping, work, and medical appointments, according to the regulation, which applies from today.

Is Nigeria a case for another lockdown?
AVIATION stakeholders, yesterday, kicked against another shutdown of the economy. They urged the Federal Government to, rather, give priority to on-arrival COVID-19 rapid testing for all passengers.

They advised government to take a cue from the United States, Canada and United Kingdom that had only tightened safety protocols in place of shutdown of the airspace.

Indeed, the United States Center for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) on Tuesday issued a new order requiring proof of a negative COVID-19 test or documentation of having recovered from COVID-19 for all air passengers arriving from a foreign country to the United States including U.S. citizens and non-U.S. citizens. This order will become effective on January 26, 2021.

Similarly, British Airways has adjusted its COVID-19 protocol in conformity with the United Kingdom Government’s COVD-19 new regime. Beginning from January 15, 2021, all inbound passengers travelling to England will be required to present a negative COVID-19 test result, taken up to 72 hours prior to departure.

Aviation Security consultant, Group Captain John Ojikutu (rtd), expected Nigeria and her COVID-19 handlers to be strategic and innovative with control measures that are more suitable to the local experience than following international bandwagon.

Ojikutu said instead of a blanket ban on flights, the government should redistribute all the foreign airlines to four or five international airports and none of them must go to more than one of the four or five, except those from the same country like the British Airways and Virgin Atlantic.

“We have about 30 foreign airlines coming to Nigeria. It, therefore, means each of the international airports would be having six foreign airline flights. The aim is to be able to effectively and efficiently test, trace and track any infected passenger. Each airport must have testing centres and adequate skilled manpower in sufficient numbers to do the testing 24 hours at the airports for the arriving Nigerian nationals.

“We do not expect many nationals of other countries to be trooping now out of their countries into ours; we can ban those except in essential government demands. My worry about possible government ban on foreign airlines is that it might lead to evacuation flights that give corrupt earnings to the foreign airlines and government officials in the embassies and the ministries but put excessive financial burdens on the Nigerian nationals who will be required to be paying thousands in dollars or thousands for a single way ticket. We need to watch out so we don’t fall into the same temptations we found ourselves during the first wave of the pandemic,” Ojikutu said.

Member of the Aviation Safety Round Table Initiative (ASRTI), Olumide Ohunayo, reckoned that the government should not ban international travellers, but to intensify COVID-19 Polymerase Chain Reaction (PCR) tests and compliance rate.

Ohunayo said the government had done well with adjustments of protocols for travellers coming from UK and South Africa.

“They have also told these travellers to isolate on arrival into Nigeria. My advice on this is that government should rather designate a place for this isolation so that travellers can be monitored and ensure that test results are all genuine.

“On domestic operators, I have seen that they only observe the safety protocols onboard the aircraft. They should do better and return to the initial period when there was strict adherence at all levels. These are things to do. I do not support another ban on travelling. Let us not put more pressure on businesses that are already down. Let us tighten the screw on protocols, ensure compliance and apprehend those issuing fake COVID-19 certificates,” Ohunayo said.

Travel expert, Sunday Olumegbon, reckoned that there were more avenues to prevent further spread of the virus, than placing a ban on international flights.

Olumegbon said besides the revenue that international flights bring into the country, the Nigerian government should intensify awareness and screening at international entry ports.

He said the situation in the UK once again reinforced the urgent need for coordinated recognition of systematic testing of travellers.

“Governments must cooperate to put mutually recognised testing capacity in place so that borders can remain open to the vast majority of healthy passengers. COVID-19 is likely to be with us for some time. So, rather than travel bans, governments must adopt more flexible and practical policies to manage the risks in a way that enables people to safely work and travel.

“Test, test and test again has been the mantra of the World Health Organisation (WHO) for almost a year now, and we implore governments to act on this advice. I’m surprised that our port health authorities are still following the old routine of just filling forms, telling travellers to pay and go for tests within seven days. Other countries, including Cameroun, are conducting tests at the airports and on arrival. That is the way to go,” he said.

ECONOMISTS, financial analysts and scholars also agreed yesterday that another lockdown in the face of COVID-19 second wave would hurt the economy and Nigerians.

The experts include a development economist and former consultant to United Nations Development programme (UNDP), Dr. Samson Olalere; a professor of Entrepreneurship and Management Strategy, Mrs. Olajumoke Familoni; Prof. Femi Ajayi of Agriculture and Rural Development, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, and a former banker and Ibadan-based public affairs analyst, Sanjo Akanmu.

Others are Director, Centre for Economic Policy and Research, University of Lagos, Prof. Ndubuisi Nwokeoma; Professor of Economics, Olabisi Onabanjo University, Ago-Iwoye, Ogun State, Sheriffdeen Tella; founder and Managing Director, Cowry Asset Management Limited, Johnson Chukwu,
Chukwu argued that Nigeria could not afford another lockdown because of the high poverty rate in the country.

According to him, an economy where 50 per cent of the total population lives below poverty line cannot afford total lockdown for a second time. Instead of lockdown, he advised government to “close down super-spread places like night clubs, social functions and impose curfew to ensure that people do not go to social events at night.” Nwokeoma,
observed that many countries had been reluctant to declare another lockdown because of the devastating effects of the first experience. He feared that if the world should experience another one, oil prices would crash.

“Under such a circumstance, Nigeria’s economy will suffer more devastation,” he warned. Tella said Nigeria should not consider another total lockdown to avoid loss of jobs, income and government revenue.

“No. We cannot afford another complete lockdown to avoid loss of jobs, income and revenue to government. Short, partial and intermittent lockdown may be introduced if the present situation worsens.

“The country can quickly prevent inflow of people to minimise imported transmission and avoid lockdown. We can’t afford it or it will worsen the current recession.”

Olalere hinged his opposition to lockdown on the argument that the economy could not sustain another lockdown because of the feeble state of the productive sector coupled with poor infrastructure, road networks, and management of the economy.

“Nothing seems to be working. Any lockdown will definitely spur the people to revolt, which the government will not be able to curb,” he said.
Similarly, Familoni said another lockdown would be hard for citizens to bear.

“I hear 75 per cent of Nigerians are on daily income so lockdown will be hard to bear but some ingenuity on how to reduce contact and still have means of livelihood will be good.”

Ajayi and Akanmu argue that in place of lockdown, government should emphasize use of nose mask, keeping social distancing, washing of hands and use of sanitizer,

“If these are not enforced and the country is locked down, the real objective of lockdown, which is to prevent spread of COVID-19 pandemic and the new strain will not be achieved and citizens will only be subjected to economic and related hardship,” Ajayi said.

Akanmu, said: “Instead of lockdown, I think govt should intensify awareness and sensitisation on the need for people to adhere strictly to all covid protocols with a view at reducing the spread and containment of the deadly disease.”

Other authorities that expressed the same view were a development economist, Dr. Chiwuike Uba; an Economic analyst in Rivers State, Mr. Ignatius Chukwu and a professor of Economics at Bayero University, Kano, Murtala Sagagi.

Uba said yesterday, it would be socially and economically suicidal if another lockdown happened in the country. He pointed out that with the economy in recession and other economic indices not looking very good amidst rising inflation, high poverty rate, debt and inflation imposing a lockdown would amount to dealing a final blow on the country and the people.

He said: “The global lockdown driven by the second wave of the COVID-19 pandemic may likely lead to a glut in oil demands. Most of the manufacturing companies that closed shop during the last lockdown are just resuming operations. Therefore, it would be counterproductive to toe that path for the second time in a country with an ineffective and inefficient manufacturing industry, faced with a very harsh business environment.

“The exchange rate volatility occasioned by multiple exchange rates, low oil prices and output, weak export profile, and domestic revenue mobilization would continue as long as domestic production remains low. And the situation would be made worse by another lockdown. Is the Nigerian economy resilient enough to deal with the social costs (restiveness, high insecurity, demonstrations, deaths, vandalism, etc.) of another lockdown? I don’t think so.

“Nigerians are already groaning under the heavy electricity tariff and fuel pump price, higher food prices, hunger, poverty, high unemployment rate, and high out-of-pocket health care expenditures. Any lockdown (whether full or partial) has the capacity to stifle growth in the economy. For now, I am refraining from discussing Nigeria’s development because we are not ready to take bold decisions on the future. All we need now is aggressive sensitization and advocacy. Unfortunately, the National Orientation Agency (NOA), which is saddled with this responsibility is almost comatose or does not understand its mandate.”

Chukwu warned that Nigeria is not in a shape to face another extreme lockdown. He contended that since the economy is mostly propelled by the informal sector where most citizens don’t have regular income, a lockdown on the fragile economy would spell doom.

He suggested strict implementation of COVID-19 protocols in place of lockdown. Sagagi observed the increasing rate of poverty in Nigeria might be escalated if the Federal Government imposed lockdown.

“Lockdown of the economy this time is not the best solution. As at yesterday, we recorded only 1, 270 confirmed cases, the confirmed cases are just little above 100,000 and the death is just 1,300 and discharged cases over 80,000. When you look at these figures, you will notice that Nigeria is actually facing pandemic but not as other countries, especially in Europe and Asia.

“So, there is every tendency that, because of our young population, the rate and intensity of the virus may not be as pronounced as being advertised, though I am not blaming government for reeling out the warning but the way it is being projected like in United States, UK, I think the dynamic is more different in Africa.

“This is the reason I don’t think Nigerians can withstand another lockdown especially when about 60 per cent of our population lives below poverty line already. When you look at the World Bank projection that says about 2 million Nigerians will further drop below the poverty line in 2021, that is even when the country’s economy is battling with recession, it is delicate to call for another lockdown”

He suggested sustained public sensitisation and education about the preventive and protective measures, which he believed needed to be intensified for people to take precautionary measures seriously.

HEALTH experts, Dr. Chioma Nwakanma and Dr. Ifeanyi Nsofor also kicked against lockdown, partial or total, adding that Nigeria should have taken time to create structures that would support its economy, having learnt lesson from the first lockdown.

Nwakanma said rather than copying what other countries do, government should devote time to creating awareness and reviving the confidence of the people in government to tackle the second wave of the pandemic.

“Lockdown is important but I don’t think it is the way to go for Nigeria as a country right now. With the protocols the government has put in place, all that needs to be done is to maintain and enforce the protocols,” she said.

She said having multiple lockdowns would cripple the economy totally, noting that Nigeria should learn from other countries, whose sole aim of enforcing lockdown is to increase contact tracing, testing capacity, have virtual meetings and ensure how every sector can work effectively during this pandemic, which is what Nigeria should have achieved with the first lockdown.

“The only reason lockdowns are enforced is to be able to create measures that are sustainable when people are integrated back into the society, that is what the lockdown is for, not just to keep people in their homes until the virus goes down,” she added.

Dr. Nsofor, a public health physician and Senior New Voices Fellow at Aspen Institute, decried Nigerians’ attitude towards adherence to the COVID-19 protocols and guidelines despite the high number of cases and deaths recorded daily, which he said is six times the cases recorded earlier.

Other health experts that kicked against lockdown were the Medical Director of Medical Art Centre (MART), Maryland, Lagos, and President, African Fertility Society (AFS), Prof. Oladapo Ashiru; and a consultant public health physician and Executive Secretary, Enugu State Agency for Control of AIDS (ENSACA), Dr. Chinedu Arthur Idoko.

Idoko pointed out that prolonged lockdown could lead to spike in the spread of the virus.
He said: “You will agree with me that sometimes the intended regulation of movement and interaction of people during the lockdowns fail to achieve the intended purpose when people living within same neighbourhoods gather together in discussion, domestic social groups as a result of boredom resulting from restrictions. These gatherings form an effective cell of viral transmission. It therefore requires a balanced approach to the control of this virus.”

Ashiru said emphasis should be on enforcing use of face mask and physical distancing.

“There must be zero tolerance for parties and night clubs. Just as Thanksgiving holiday created another spike of COVID-19 in the USA, in Nigeria the current spike we are witnessing is as a result of several holiday visitations from USA, UK, Europe, and South Africa. They have all come and gone. Lockdown now is like closing the barn after the horse has bolted. We need to prevent more spread by educating our people effectively on the consequences of social gathering and not wearing mask.”

To cap it all, the President of the Guild of Medical Directors, Prof. Olufemi Dokun-Babalola, also kicked against another lockdown. He warned that a hard lockdown at this time could be devastating to the economy.

Dokun-Babalola told The Guardian that instead of hard lockdown, measures that could be taken by government to contain the new wave included banning of indoor gatherings, limiting outdoor gatherings to ten, making face mask mandatory and payment of penalties.

The Guardian