Wednesday, December 16, 2020

Nigeria State Says 16 Kidnapped Boys Rescued by Security Agents

At least 15 students kidnapped by gunmen from a school in northern Nigeria were rescued by the military, a state government official said.

One other student was rescued by the police while another escaped from the kidnappers, Abdu Labaran, a spokesman for Katsina Governor Aminu Masari, said by phone on Tuesday.

At least 337 students were reported missing after gunmen attacked a boys’ boarding school in the northern state of Katsina.

“The government is not into any negotiations with the bandits. It’s also not ready to negotiate, as doing so would amount to capitulation and this would encourage the bandits,” Labaran said.

Armed assailants entered the town of Kankara on Dec. 11 and opened fire before entering the boys’ school, causing students and staff to flee while an unknown number were forcefully taken away.

Nigerian Islamist militant group Boko Haram has claimed responsibility for the kidnap, Abuja-based Daily Trust reported on Tuesday, citing an audio clip it said was released by the leader, Abubakar Shekau. 

By Mustapha Adamu and Ruth Oluroundbi

Bloomberg

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Tuesday, December 15, 2020

Boko Haram claims responsibility for kidnapping hundreds of boys in Nigeria

The leader of Boko Haram, the Islamist extremist group that abducted hundreds of schoolgirls in Nigeria six years ago, has claimed responsibility for the mass abduction of students in north-western Katsina state last week.

In an audio tape released on Tuesday, Abubakar Shekau said: “Our brothers were behind the abduction in Katsina.”

A large group of men armed with AK-47s overran the all-boys Government Science secondary school in the town of Kankara on Friday night, marching more than 300 students into surrounding forests.

Boko Haram kidnapped 276 girls from their school dormitory in Chibok, in north-eastern Borno state, in April 2014 and about 100 are still missing. The group has also taken other schoolchildren as well as thousands of people across north-east Nigeria and has recently expanded into the country’s north-west.

There is doubt over the direct involvement of Boko Haram in the latest mass abduction, however. Shekau’s statement lacked detail, and officials in Katsina have already received ransom demands from a group of bandits that witnesses said were responsible.

One western official working in counter-terrorism in the region said it was possible bandits may have transferred some or all of the kidnapped schoolboys to the extremists in return for money, weapons or other resources.

Across the entire Sahel region, there are close relations between armed criminals, traffickers and Islamist extremists.

More details have emerged of Friday’s attack. Musa Adamu, 18, was sleeping in the school’s dormitory when he heard gunshots.

“The sound got louder, then I ran and jumped out of the window and over the fence of the school and ran along with many others into the forest. We spent the night there, because we were afraid to come back to the school,” he said.

Another student was unable to flee the initial attack and was robbed.

“Two of the gunmen broke into our hostel and asked us to give them our phones. I told them I had no phone, then they collected our money, then broke open our lockers and took our soaps, skin creams, milk and biscuits,” said Hassan Al Bashir.

“The gunmen then started shouting that we should all go outside, but as we were going I sneaked and hid and that was how I escaped them.’’

Samatu Aliyu was forced to march into the forest by the attackers with hundreds of others, but managed to escape and found his way back to Kankara after 36 hours.

“We walked from that night to the morning in the forest without shoes. Most of us had feet that were bleeding and there was nothing to eat. We only drank muddy water, and at some point, they left me behind and turned away, and so I ran and walked back alone,” Aliyu said.

The attack has sparked anger in the largely poor and rural region.

Nigeria’s president, Muhammadu Buhari, who is from Katsina, condemned the “cowardly … attack on innocent children”.

Jamilu Isah, a resident of Kankara, said the town was “in mourning”.

“Our mothers are still crying everywhere you go in the town. People are not happy. We feel the government has abandoned us … we just want them to bring our boys back,” he said.

Kidnappings for ransom by bandits have become commonplace across much of the north-west in recent years, with frequent ambushes on roads, as well as fatal robberies targeting cattle and food.

Towns close to forests stretching across north-west Nigeria and into Niger have been the most vulnerable to attacks.

According to Amnesty International, 1,126 people were killed by bandits in Nigeria between January and June this year.

While “banditry” encompasses a range of criminal activity, many of the recent large-scale armed attacks are suspected to have been carried out by assailants from the semi-nomadic Fulani community.

The attack in Katsina will put further pressure on Buhari and his government, which have failed to address the endemic insecurity in much of Nigeria.

Successive military efforts have failed to destroy Boko Haram and Shekau has been reported dead on multiple occasions.

“The Buhari administration has not responded to this situation with the urgency, seriousness and tact it requires. Different military operations have been launched, but it’s clear that all of them are understaffed, under-skilled and underfunded,” Bulama Bukarti, an extremism expert and analyst at the Tony Blair Institute, said.

The Guardian

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Monday, December 14, 2020

Disney partners Africa’s Kugali Media for animated series Iwájú set in Lagos, Nigeria

On Friday 11, December, 2020 the animation arm of Hollywood company, Walt Disney, unveiled a list of content it plans to release and projects it will work on in the coming year.

Disney hinted at a collaboration with a pan-African entertainment entity, Kugali Media, founded by creatives from Nigeria and Uganda.

This partnership will birth an adaptation of its comic book titled, Iwájú, a Yoruba term which roughly translates to ‘The Future’. According to the announcement, the animation will be set in Lagos, Nigeria.

Apparently, the comic book was published in 2019 — although we can’t confirm if it’s commercially available in print — and the artists have since been eyeing a Disney adaptation as gathered from a BBC interview.

In the words of one of the authors of Iwájú, “most of what you find out there about Africa is being told by non-Africans, and it was crucial to us that Africans tell their own stories.”

The chapterisation of the sci-fi book touches on and seeks to correct the global perception of Africa as a country instead of a continent. It, thus, brought onboard artists from different parts of the continent to portray their different cultures. Hence, reflecting different African mythologies.

The project is reportedly funded through crowdfunding £25,000 from across the world.

Having eventually gotten Disney’s attention, the production of the book adaptation — currently at the visual development stage — will begin in 2021 and will debut on its streaming service, Disney+ in 2022.

Meanwhile, this is not the first African story pitch to have gotten Disney’s attention. In July 2018, the company announced interest in Sadé, the fairytale story of an African princess that, through the help of newly-developed magical powers, saved her kingdom. However, there has been no further news on the project.

Clearly, Africans delving into animation do not only bring past histories to life — like Nigerian-made Lady Buckit and the Motley Mopsters did — they also go-ahead to bring myths believed to only exist on the continent to global knowledge while displaying their rich and diverse cultures.

If the fear of bringing a Hollywood touch into the movie can be allayed, it would be because of the succinct details reported to be in the comic book. While it has a futuristic theme, inventions portrayed in the book still reflect the adoption of African indigenous tools.

But one significant feature of incredible movie adaptations is the eventual disparity between the movie and the book. Except for bad adaptations, the movie usually comes out to be a much more refined version of the book after it passes through scriptwriting, production and editing.

Although, if Iwájú makes it to Disney+ before public access to the book, the cinematic touch might affect how the book is eventually seen.

Given precedence, the book already seems to be a great source material which Disney has the budget to bring to life.

Worthy of note is the fact that Nigeria’s animation industry is still in its infancy and has been facing a number of challenges. A notable example is the animation project, titled Sadé, which, for undisclosed reasons, did not make it to the big screens.

While this increasing global interest may boost the morale of African scriptwriters, we could also see more renown movie studios working with indigenous filmmakers on globally accepted cinematic content.

By Oluwanifemi Kolawole

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Parents in northern Nigeria are desperately waiting for information about their sons after an attack on a boarding school on Friday; more than 300 boys are reported missing. Nigeria's defence ministry says the whereabouts of the so-called bandits are known, and the military is trying to bring the boys back home safely. But there’s anger that the abduction happened at all. Some of the boys who escaped spoke about their ordeal.  Al Jazeera’s Barbara Angopa reports.

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Friday, December 11, 2020

Video - Older people often an invisible casualty in conflict with Boko Haram in Nigeria

Older people have suffered in unique ways from the conflict that has raged for almost a decade in Northeast Nigeria, with many starved or slaughtered in their homes or left to languish and die in squalid, unlawful military detention, Amnesty International said in a new report today.

The 67-page report, “My heart is in pain”: Older people’s experience of conflict, displacement, and detention in Northeast Nigeria, shows how both Boko Haram and the Nigerian military have committed atrocities against older women and men, with nobody held to account. It also focuses on how displaced older people are consistently overlooked by the humanitarian response.

“When Boko Haram has invaded towns and villages, older men and women have often been among the last to flee, leaving them particularly exposed to the armed group’s brutality and repression – amounting to war crimes and likely crimes against humanity. This has included torture, being forced to witness killings and abductions of their children, as well as looting resulting in extreme food insecurity,” said Joanne Mariner, Director of Crisis Response at Amnesty International.

“Nigeria’s military, in turn, has repeatedly shot older people to death in their own homes during raids on villages in Boko Haram-controlled areas. Thousands of older people have been denied dignity in hellish conditions in military detention, with many hundreds of them dying in squalor. These, too, amount to war crimes and potentially crimes against humanity.”
 

Living under Boko Haram’s repression

Many villages in areas under Boko Haram control are disproportionately populated by older people who are unable to flee or who choose to stay and continue working their land.

In these villages, older people face threats from all sides. Boko Haram loots their property and often restricts older women’s movement, making it harder for families to earn money and feed themselves. Boko Haram also abducts or kills their children and grandchildren, and sometimes tortures or kills the older people themselves.

“Boko Haram… asked why I was still around when others had run away… I told them it was my house and I was not scared of dying. Some of them said instead of killing me, they’d put me in permanent pain. They brought out their knife and stabbed me in my foot, leaving a big gash,” said an 80-year-old woman from a village in Michika local government area (LGA), Adamawa State.

On 28 November 2020, Boko Haram killed at least 43 farmworkers near Koshebe village, in Borno State, mostly with machetes or knives; dozens more civilians from the area remain missing. Amnesty International interviewed a 65-year-old man who was among those captured; he was on a one-week contract for farm labour, as he said the food assistance his family receives in displacement is irregular and insufficient to feed them. Boko Haram spared and released the man, but murdered two of his sons. “Those boys, they’re the ones who help me stay alive,” the man said. Boko Haram had murdered another of his sons five years earlier, during an attack that forced his family to flee their village in Mafa LGA.

Boko Haram’s looting of harvests and livestock, combined with the military’s severe restrictions on aid access, has resulted in extreme food insecurity for older people, with Amnesty International receiving reports of many dying of starvation. In September 2020, the UN Secretary-General indicated that Northeast Nigeria was at risk of famine, with “alarming levels of food insecurity and hunger”.
 

Attacks on civilians and unlawful detention

In its operations against Boko Haram, Nigeria’s military frequently fails to distinguish combatants from civilians and at times even deliberately targets civilians – a war crime.

Amnesty International found that many older people with limited mobility are unable to flee and have been shot and killed or seriously injured when soldiers spray bullets through houses. Others have burned to death inside their homes when the military torched villages perceived to support Boko Haram.

A man in his late 50s from a village in Bama LGA, Borno State, described a Nigerian military attack on his village: “They came in the night… My father was an older man – more than 75. I said we should run to the bush. He said he couldn’t, he was too old… We came back, around 2 a.m. He had bullets all in his body. We took the body to the farm area, and we buried it there.”

Older people are not spared the military’s widespread unlawful detention of people fleeing Boko Haram areas – even without any evidence that the person was linked to the armed group, much less involved in violence. Amnesty International interviewed 17 older men and nine older women who were unlawfully detained – for periods ranging from four months to more than five years – in unfathomably inhumane conditions in Maiduguri’s infamous Giwa Barracks and other sites.

Severe overcrowding, scarce food and water, extreme heat, infestation by parasites and insects, and lack of access to adequate sanitation and health care are among the litany of violations at Giwa. While there have been improvements in recent years, the conditions remain inhumane and, from 2013 to 2017, were so extreme that they amounted to torture for everyone detained there. Older detainees described how the grossly inadequate sanitation meant they frequently urinated or defecated on themselves – an assault on their basic dignity.

Amnesty International estimates that, in the context of the Boko Haram crisis, at least 10,000 people have died in custody since 2011, many of them in Giwa Barracks. The organization reviewed more than 120 images of corpses brought from the barracks to a local mortuary, and spoke to individuals with insider knowledge who estimated that 15-25% of those who have perished are older men. This is disproportionately high, as older men appear to account for no more than 4% of the population in Northeast Nigeria. In April 2017 alone, 166 corpses were transferred from Giwa to the mortuary.
 

Displacement and humanitarian response

The report also examines the humanitarian response to the conflict, and calls for older people to be fully included in the design and implementation of humanitarian programmes to assist the war’s displaced. Humanitarian agencies estimate that older people account for around 150,000 of the 2.1 million people displaced by the conflict in Northeast Nigeria.

In displacement camps, the failure to ensure that humanitarian aid is adequate and reaches some of the most at-risk people, including older people, has led to the violation of their human rights.

Amnesty International spoke to older people from 17 camps across Borno State and none of them had received targeted assistance as an older person. They felt invisible or as if they were treated as a “burden”. Some reported having to beg just to have enough food and medicine to survive. Others said they were forced to go without essential medication.

Many older women in particular face further challenges as they care for grandchildren whose parents were killed, abducted, or detained by Boko Haram or the Nigerian military. Gender discrimination and patriarchal norms in Northeast Nigeria pose additional barriers to older women's participation in processes that impact their lives. “Nobody is hearing us, nobody is seeing us,” one older woman told the organization.

Sustained data collection and analysis is the first step towards ensuring inclusion of older people. Nigerian authorities and humanitarian organizations should follow existing standards and practices by systematically engaging older people – including older women, older people with disabilities, and older people living alone – in assessments and programme design.

“All too often, older people have been ignored in aid provision in Northeast Nigeria. Inclusion means respecting the rights of people with different needs and risks, including those associated with ageing. It is time to stop treating older people as an afterthought,” said Osai Ojigho, Director of Amnesty International Nigeria.
 

Background

International law does not provide a global definition of what constitutes an “older person”. It is often defined as age 60 or older, including in a regional human rights treaty signed by Nigeria, but the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) has promoted a context-specific approach, which Amnesty International agrees responds better to individual rights. In the context of Northeast Nigeria, Amnesty International has included people in their 50s, also taking into account their self-identification as an “older person”.

For this report, Amnesty International carried out field and remote research between November 2019 and October 2020, and interviewed 62 older women and 71 older men affected by the conflict. It also interviewed representatives of international and local humanitarian organizations operating in Northeast Nigeria, as well as witnesses to atrocities against older people, hospital staff, and prison staff in a facility where people are detained amid the conflict.

The research for this report builds on close to a decade of Amnesty International’s work on the conflict, including previous reporting on crimes by Boko Haram and by the Nigerian military. Hundreds of Amnesty International interviews from prior research contribute to this report’s analysis, including more than 140 interviews with people formerly detained in Giwa Barracks.

Amnesty International

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Nigeria Warns of Possible New COVID-19 Wave

Nigeria may be on the verge of a second wave of COVID-19 infections, the health minister warned Thursday, as another official said the country expects to roll out a vaccine by April next year.

Osagie Ehanire, speaking at a news conference in the capital, Abuja, said 1,843 cases were recorded last week compared with 1,235 two weeks before that.

"We may just be on the verge of a second wave of this pandemic," he said. His comments came a day after South Africa said it had officially entered a second wave.

Ehanire, in a weekly briefing by Nigeria's COVID-19 task force, said the rise in cases was mostly driven by an increase in infections within communities and, to a lesser extent, by travelers entering Nigeria.

He said he had ordered the reopening of all isolation and treatment centers that had been closed because of falling patient numbers.

Nigeria, with a population of about 200 million people, has had more than 71,000 confirmed cases and nearly 1,200 deaths as of Thursday, according to Johns Hopkins University data.

Looking ahead to a vaccine, Faisal Shuaib, executive director of the National Primary Health Care Development Agency (NPHCDA), said Nigeria planned to access one through the COVAX initiative backed by the World Health Organization.

"We are on course to access safe and efficacious COVID-19 vaccines in the first quarter of 2021," he said.

The health minister later in the briefing said Nigeria hoped to start with at least 20 million doses from the COVAX facility, initially covering health care workers and vulnerable people who would be most at risk if infected, such as the elderly.

On Thursday, the Africa Centers for Disease Control and Prevention urged rich countries that have ordered more COVID-19 vaccines than they need to consider distributing excess doses to Africa.

VOA

Global activists slam Nigeria for crackdown on protesters

Global activists and celebrities have hit out at the Nigerian government over a violent crackdown on peaceful protesters demonstrating against police brutality two months ago.

In an open letter addressed to Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari and made public in Lagos to coincide with International Human Rights Day on Thursday, 60 activists condemned the government for “unwarranted force against its own unarmed citizens”.

Writing under the auspices of Diaspora Rising, which calls itself an advocacy body formed to strengthen “bonds among members of the global Black family”, the activists called for the release of jailed protesters as well as the prosecution of security operatives responsible for shooting civilians in Lagos.

They also urged the government to lift a ban on public demonstrations.

Among the signatories were US activist Opal Tometi, actors Danny Glover and Kerry Washington, Swedish teenage eco-warrior Greta Thunberg, singer Alicia Keys, civil rights campaigner Angela Davis, US congresswoman Ilhan Omar, Nigerian American rapper Jidenna and Bernice King, the daughter of Martin Luther King Jr.

Tometi, a co-founder of the Black Lives Matter movement in the US and founder of Diaspora Rising, described Nigeria’s response to the protests as “very shameful”.

“Instead of showing up alongside [the people], the government went to suppress them, went to squelch the protest, and stamp it out,” she said.

Amnesty International has said security forces shot dead at least 10 people during a protest at Lekki Toll gate, the epicentre of the demonstrations, in Lagos on October 20.

But the military has denied using live ammunition, insisting soldiers only fired in the air to disperse the crowd that had gathered in defiance of a curfew.

However, the Nigerian authorities have said more than 100 people, including 43 security officers, were killed nationwide following days of street protests.

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The wealthy Nigerians buying citizenship overseas

Dapo has spent too long at home in Lagos, Nigeria. Back in October, protests against the SARS police unit kept him from going to his office. “First, we were told to stay at home because of the coronavirus. Then this,” he says.

A wealthy Nigerian, Dapo, who is in his late 30s, does not want to make himself identifiable by giving his surname and age, lest it draw unwanted attention.

He has had a “backup plan” for getting out of Nigeria for some time, he says. “I have Maltese citizenship. I can leave for there any time.” With one small obstacle – a 14-day quarantine upon arrival – Dapo could be permanently in Malta any time he pleases. He is not planning to go imminently, but describes it as his “plan b’’.

Dapo is one of a rapidly growing number of Nigerians who have bought so-called “golden visas” or foreign citizenships-by-investment this year. In his case it was Malta, the Mediterranean island where citizenship can be acquired for a minimum investment of 800,000 euros ($947,180) through the Malta Citizenship by Investment Programme.

Not that he has any special love for Malta. A record 92 countries around the world now allow wealthy individuals to become residents or citizens in return for a fee, sometimes as low as $100,000 but often several million dollars. It is billed as a “win-win”: The country gets much-needed foreign investment and, in return, the new citizens have new passports that open up more of the world to travel or live in.

Golden visas are the lesser-reported side of the Nigerian migration story. Every year thousands of Nigerians make their way to Europe via perilous crossings over the Sahara and Mediterranean. Now their wealthier counterparts are also making their way to Europe but via a different route.
 

A record year for golden visas

Whether rich or poor, the reasons for leaving one’s home country are often the same. Fear of political uncertainty at home and hope for better opportunities elsewhere. But 2020 has been exceptional.

Like Dapo, Folajimi Kuti, 50, was watching the #EndSARS protests from his home in Lagos in October. “I have children, they’re teenagers, and they’re asking me questions like, ‘How did we get here?’” he says, referring to the violence that accompanied demonstrations against the controversial Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS).

Kuti says he has believed for some time that social unrest would boil over in Nigeria, because of issues of poverty and police brutality. “It had been clear for the past two or three years that something was going to happen. It’s happened now in 2020 but, frankly, we’ve been expecting this outburst for a while so it wasn’t a matter of ‘if’. It was a matter of ‘when’.”

Citizenship or residency abroad has become appealing, he adds. As a financial adviser to the wealthy, Kuti knows the process of applying for one having walked clients through it before. Most of his work involves advising Nigeria’s growing number of millionaires about investments and wealth planning. But now they are asking about foreign citizenships and Kuti himself is tempted by the idea. “Just knowing that if you need to go you certainly could and move without any restriction.”

The rush for golden visas among rich Nigerians started before October’s SARS protests. At London-based Henley & Partners, one of the world’s largest citizenship advisory firms, applications by Nigerians increased by 185 percent during the eight months to September 2020, making them the second-largest nationality to apply for such schemes after Indians.

More than 1,000 Nigerians have enquired about the citizenship of another country through Henley & Partners this year alone, which Paddy Blewer, head of marketing, says “is unheard of. We’ve never had this many people contacting us”.

Many, like Kuti, saw political problems ahead and wanted an escape plan. Others were focused on coronavirus: What if the pandemic overwhelms Nigeria?

“There is a lack of primary healthcare capacity that would be able to manage with either a second wave or whatever happens in, say, 2025,” says Blewer. “Let’s say there is COVID-21 still going on in 2025 that is of an order or magnitude worse. It’s, ‘Do I want to be based here and only based here, or do I want an alternative base of operations where I believe I will be safer and I will be able to run my global businesses’.

“And, I think, that’s what COVID has driven.”

It was in July, when the number of COVID-19 cases in Nigeria escalated, that wealthy Nigerians started looking more seriously at citizenship abroad, experts say. “Those with medical conditions that could not fly out – a lot of them are buying passports just because if there is any problem they can fly out,” says Olusegun Paul Andrew, 56, a Nigerian entrepreneur and investor who spends much of the year in the Netherlands.

“Flying out” of Nigeria is hard and not just because of the coronavirus pandemic. Just 26 countries allow Nigerian passport holders visa-free entry, many of them part of West Africa’s ECOWAS arrangement. Both the United Kingdom and Europe’s Schengen zone require Nigerians to obtain visas ahead of travelling.

For the wealthy, this is too much hassle. “They don’t want to be queueing for visas for any EU country or whatever,” says Andrew. Instead, why not purchase the citizenship of a country with visa-free access to Europe?
 

To Europe, via the Caribbean

Bimpe, a wealthy Nigerian who also does not wish to give her full name, has three passports. One Nigerian, which she says she never uses, and two from Caribbean nations: St Kitts and Nevis; and Grenada.

The St Kitts and Nevis passport, which cost her $400,000 via a real estate investment programme, was useful when she travelled between London and New York on business as it allows for visa-free travel to the UK and Europe. But now that she has retired in Abuja, Bimpe, whose husband has passed away, wants her three adult sons to have the same opportunities to travel and live abroad.

“My kids were interested in visa-free travel. They are young graduates, wanting to explore the world. So that was the reason for my investment,” she explains.

Her investment to gain a Grenada passport for herself and her sons took the form of a $300,000 stake in the Six Senses La Sagesse hotel on the Caribbean island, which she bought in 2015 through a property development group called Range Developments. Like most countries offering their citizenship for sale, Grenada allows real estate investments to qualify for a passport.

Bimpe’s family has lived overseas before – spending nine years in the UK between 2006 and 2015. Of her three sons, she says: “One, for sure now, is never going to leave Nigeria. He loves it here. The second one lives in England. He’s been in England long enough to get British residency. My youngest – for him, living abroad is a very, very attractive option. He’s not very happy [in Nigeria]. He went to England very young – at age 12 – and he’s had a problem adjusting since. He’s been back in Nigeria five years and he’s still not settled.”

Now aged 26, Bimpe’s youngest son is looking at settling in the UK or in the US where, thanks to his Grenada citizenship, he qualifies for an E-2 visa, something not available to his fellow Nigerians since President Donald Trump’s ban on immigrant visa applications in February. Bimpe believes his career opportunities in acting – he studied Drama in the UK – are better abroad, and therefore considers the Grenada citizenship to be a worthwhile investment.

Neither Bimpe nor her sons have ever been to Grenada even though their investment allows them to stay on the Caribbean island, once known as The Spice Island. “I intend to go. I would like to go,” she says. “Just when I did [the investment], it was soon after my husband died and I wasn’t in the mood for travel and then I got my passport but there was no good reason for travel due to the pandemic.”

The Six Senses La Sagesse is being constructed by Range Developments, whose founder and managing director, Mohammed Asaria, says it is not unusual for investors never to visit. In fact, since there is no obligation for citizenship investors to visit Grenada, interest in the scheme has ballooned among Nigerians.

“We have between high single figures and low double-digit sales of hotel units on a monthly basis to Nigerians. The average investment is just under $300,000,” says Asaria. “It’s a big market for us. And it’s going to get bigger. There are 300 million people [in Nigeria].” Of these, more than 40,000 are millionaires and, therefore, potential customers for golden visas, according to the Knight Frank Wealth Report.

It is a similar story across the Caribbean. Arton Capital, a citizenship advisory group, says demand from Nigerian families for Antigua and Barbuda citizenship is up 15 percent this year compared with the last.

St Lucia has also seen a record number of Nigerians applying in 2020. “It’s more than it’s ever been over the past four years,” says Nestor Alfred, CEO of the St Lucia Citizenship-by-Investment Unit.

The citizenship market is not exclusive to the Caribbean, but these are the cheapest and they maintain that all-important visa-free access to Europe that their clients are hankering after.
 

Tax incentives

“I’m rich but I’m not a Donald Trump. I wasn’t looking for a tax escape,” says Bimpe.

Investing in a foreign citizenship is not illegal for Nigerians, but the issue of wealthy citizens moving their assets overseas is a thorny one in Nigeria, where about $15bn is lost to tax evasion every year, according to the country’s Federal Inland Revenue Service. Much of that money finds its way to the Caribbean, as was highlighted in the leaked documents that formed part of the Panama Papers in 2016.

The tax benefits of an overseas citizenship are undoubtedly attractive. Citizens can become tax residents of countries like Dominica, where there is no wealth or inheritance tax, or Grenada which offers “corporate tax incentives”. In Europe, Malta has long been courting hedge funds with its light-touch regulations.

Being a citizen of a country with a more stable currency is also appealing to the wealthy. “Second citizenship helps with capital mobility. Pull up a graph of the Naira. If you look at the Naira for the last 10 years it’s been a horrible journey,” says Asaria. Better, therefore, in the minds of the wealthy, to own assets in euros or even East Caribbean dollars which are pegged to the US dollar.

“Businesses are struggling, inflation on the rise, insecurity, and a host of other issues. These issues have prompted an increase in citizenship or residency-by-investment from wealthy Nigerians in a bid to secure a better future for their families in developed countries,” says Evans Ahanaonu, a Lagos-based representative for High Net Worth Immigration, a citizenship advisory firm. Grenada and Turkey are popular for clients wanting quick access to Europe, he adds, while some go straight for the UK Innovator Visa which means setting up a business in the UK.

Given the number of applications processed by the citizenship advisory firms interviewed just for this article, a conservative estimate would put the amount invested by Nigerians into citizenship schemes at more than $1bn this year alone.


Where rich and poor migrants meet

The loss of wealth from Nigeria has severe implications for levels of employment in the country. With wealthy businesspeople investing their capital outside Nigeria rather than in it, there is less funding for local businesses or government projects which might otherwise generate employment. This, in turn is causing more poorer Nigerians to want to move overseas as well, in search of better work opportunities, a trend backed up by the findings of a 2018 survey by Afrobarometer, the data analysis group.

Just before the pandemic struck, Kingsley Aneoklloude, 35, was able to make his way to Europe, but via a very different route.

He was working as a mechanic in his village in Edo State, one of the country’s poorer provinces which have been untouched by oil wealth, where he earned 1,500 naira ($3.95) a week.

The salary was poor but the final straw was police brutality. Aneoklloude was briefly employed as a local election monitor during the 2015 presidential elections. He says he was pressured by representatives of a political party to manipulate ballot papers, but refused, after which he became afraid for his safety. “I left because they were chasing me. Honestly, they come and chase me,” he says.

First, he went to Kano State in the north of Nigeria. Then, in December 2019, Aneoklloude made the dangerous journey to Europe via Niger, then Libya, “where there was a heavy war in Tripoli”, before crossing the Mediterranean.

While adrift on the Mediterranean Sea, his small boat was rescued by Open Arms, an NGO which helps refugees and migrants crossing the Mediterranean. Their ship docked in Lampedusa, one of the Italian Pelagie Islands, where Aneoklloude’s asylum application for Germany was processed.

Now in Potsdam, Germany, he is waiting to hear the outcome of his application for new citizenship and a job. “I have a nine-month contract for work, but they need the immigration officer to sign the contract before I start,” he explains.

At 35, Aneoklloude is just a few years younger than Dapo. Both have witnessed police brutality from different angles, and both saw the Mediterranean as their way out.

But now, with Nigeria’s economy officially in another recession, more will likely follow. It is a dangerous spiral: The more wealth taken out of Nigeria, the fewer jobs available to its poorest.

By Ollie Williams

Al Jazeera

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Thursday, December 10, 2020

Nigeria’s Top 10 Google Searches in 2020

Google provides a unique insight into the major moments and top trends of 2020 based on the most popular searches conducted in Nigeria.

Search trends information is gleaned from data collated by Google based on what Nigerians have been searching for and asking Google. The information goliath processes more than 40 000 search queries every second. This translates to more than a billion searches per day and 1.2 trillion searches per year worldwide.

This year’s trending searches show Nigerians’ keen interest in the world and people around them. COVID-19, entertainment and political figures captured the nation’s attention. From Coronavirus tips and treatments to Sky Sports News and Money Heist, Nigerians use search to find out about the things that matter to them. Here’s a closer look at Nigeria’s trending searches:

Top 10 Trending Searches
1) Coronavirus
2) US Election
3) Joe Biden
4) Google Classroom
5) ASUU
6) Zoom Live
7) Rema
8) Naira Marley
9) Rahama Sadau
10) Hushpuppi

Top 10 Trending People
1) Joe Biden
2) Rema
3) Naira Marley
4) Rahama Sadau
5) Hushpuppi
6) Laycon
7) Kamala Harris
8) Omah Lay
9) Maryam Sanda
10) Kai Havertz

Top 10 Trending Questions
1) Who is the new President of the USA
2) When is school resuming
3) How to make hand sanitizer
4) Who is George Floyd
5) How to make face mask
6) Who is Joe Biden
7) Who is Laycon
8) How to make cake
9) Who is Aisha Yesufu
10) How to make bread

Top 10 Trending Movies / TV Shows
1) Money Heist
2) Big Brother Naija
3) Miracle in Cell no 7
4) Ultimate Love
5) Mulan
6) The Old Guard
7) 365 Days
8) Citation
9) Danger Force
10) Extraction

By Jenna Delport

IT NEWS AFRICA

10 Nigerian troops killed in clashes with jihadists

Ten Nigerian troops were killed and one was taken hostage in clashes with IS-linked jihadists in northeast Nigerian Borno state, according to two security sources.

Clashes erupted on Monday when a team of soldiers stormed a camp of Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) in Alagarno village in Damboa district.

“We lost 10 soldiers in the fight and one was taken by the terrorists,” a security source told AFP on Tuesday.

The hostage was seized while fleeing to safety after the troops were outgunned, he said.

“It was an intense battle and the terrorists also suffered casualties but they were able to overwhelm the soldiers,” said a second security source who confirmed the toll.

The insurgents seized four vehicles, including a truck and an armored vehicle, the second source said.

Both sources asked not to be identified.

Alagarno, which lies 150 kilometers (90 miles) from regional capital Maiduguri, is a stronghold of ISWAP, which split from the Boko Haram jihadist group in 2016 and rose to become a dominant force.

ISWAP has increasingly been attacking civilians, killing and abducting people on highways as well as raiding villages for food supplies.

On Tuesday, ISWAP said its fighters killed seven Nigerian soldiers while repelling an attack in Alagarno forest.

“Clashes took place with a variety of weapons, which led to the killing of seven elements and taking an eighth prisoner,” the group said in a statement, according to SITE Intelligence, which monitors jihadist activities worldwide.

The insurgents seized “an array of weapons” and vehicles, the statement said.

ISWAP claimed it killed four Nigerian troops on the same day in a separate attack near the town of Gamboru close to the border with Cameroon.

AFP could not independently verify the claim.

At least 36,000 people have been killed and around two million displaced from their homes since the start of the conflict 11 years ago.

The violence has spread to neighbouring Chad, Niger and Cameroon, prompting a regional military coalition to fight the militant groups.

CGTN 

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Nigeria to access COVID-19 vaccine from Jan 2021, Okonjo Iweala assures

Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Nigeria’s former Minister of Finance, has assured Nigeria and other African countries of access to COVID-19 vaccines as from the end of January through the first quarter of 2021, a statement by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said on Wednesday.


The statement quoted Okonjo-Iweala as disclosing this after a closed-door meeting with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Geoffrey Onyeama in Abuja. “As long as one person has it in the world, no one is safe. And that is why poorer countries, lower-middle-income countries like Nigeria, need to get it as quickly as possible”, she was quoted as saying.

Okonjo-Iweala is currently the African Union Special Envoy on mobilising international economic support for the continental fight against COVID-19 and Nigeria’s candidate for the Office of the Director-General of the World Trade Organization. She disclosed that the international initiative involved the World Health Organization, the Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations (CEPI), GAVI and the international community, to get vaccines delivered to developing and poorer countries, in an affordable manner and quickly. 

According to her, the Pfizer vaccine and the AstraZeneca were presently being negotiated so that poor countries don’t have to stand in a queue behind rich countries. The former finance minister described Africans as blessed, for not having the same incidence rate of COVID-19 like other continents, but warned African nations against complacency. 

Okonjo-Iweala recalled that a platform called the COVAX facility had been developed with 186 countries on board, saying that the side interested in serving the poor countries had 92 countries, for which resources have been raised to try and get the vaccines to them quickly. “So, the Pfizer vaccine, the AstraZeneca, those are being negotiated now so that poor countries don’t have to stand in line behind rich countries. “So, we hope they are starting by the end of January. We will be able to reach these countries, including most of the African countries, Nigeria included, will be able to get access to some of these vaccines. “Initially, it will be for frontline health workers, followed by some other target groups – older people, those with underlying conditions and then, from there, the rest of the population. I think the COVAX facility can cover maybe 20-23 per cent of the population by the end of next year,” Okonjo-Iweala said.

Vanguard

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Nigeria Shell employees causing oil leaks for profit: Dutch TV

Nigerian employees of the Anglo-Dutch oil company Shell ordered the deliberate vandalisation of oil pipelines for personal gain, a documentary in the Netherlands has reported.

Dutch television documentary programme Zembla, together with Dutch environmentalist organisation Milieudefensie, reported in a programme to be aired on Thursday that “multiple witnesses declared that SPDC, a subsidiary of Shell, caused the oil leaks”.

“According to sources, Shell employees profit from these intentional oil leaks by pocketing money from clean up budgets,” Zembla said in a press release summarising an 18-month investigation of various leaks between 2010 and the present day.

Zembla added the SPDC, along with the Dutch embassy in Nigeria, were aware of the accusations but had failed to address them.

Oil spills in Nigeria have a decades-long history, making companies like Shell, whose headquarters is based in the Netherlands, a frequent target of criticism and protest from human rights and environmental groups.

Millions of litres of oil have leaked into the Niger Delta since Shell began oil extraction there in 1958. Zembla said the “greatest oil disaster in the world is unfolding in the Niger Delta”.

Shell says that 95 percent of leaks are as a result of sabotage. It denies responsibility for the leaks, which it blames on local criminals and organised gangs.

Accusations ‘credible’

However, residents in the Ikarama in the Nigerian state of Bayelsa told Zembla that Shell employees encourage local youths in the villages to sabotage pipelines in the area and then split funds allocated for the cleanup.

“If a clean up is necessary, these same youths are then hired to perform it,” Washington Odeibodo told Zembla.

A former Shell security guard, who claimed to have been responsible for sabotaging pipelines in the past, said Shell supervisors and employees “split the money from the clean up”.

“The recovery department from Shell sabotages the pipelines. If the clean up will take seven months, they’ll stop after only three months,” he added.

According to Zembla, one saboteur said they committed the vandalism “out of hunger”.

In May, Nigeria’s National Bureau of Statistics said 40 percent of people in the West African nation live in poverty, in a country that has Africa’s biggest economy.

Cees van Dam, a professor of International Business and Human Rights at the University of Rotterdam, said allegations in Zembla’s report were “credible”.

“In the Netherlands, this would certainly be considered a criminal offence. Intentional destruction of property, intentional environmental pollution, these are serious issues that no single company would accept from its employees,” he said according to the statement.

Who knew?

The documentary-maker claimed it was in possession of documents confirming SPDC was aware of the allegations.

However, Shell had so far not responded to queries about steps taken to address the issue.

“SPDC takes these kinds of accusations very seriously. If we find any evidence that supports these accusations, we will report it to the Nigerian authorities,” SPDC said according to Zembla’s statement.

Zembla said the Dutch embassy in Nigeria was also aware of the accusations, which were highlighted for two years, and confirmed by the European nation’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

According to Zembla, former ambassador to the country Robert Petri, who left at the start of 2019, was recorded on video promising residents of Ikarama he would share the information with Shell.

The documentary-maker said “nothing came of the commitment”.

Responding to a query from Zembla, the ministry said: “Because of the premature departure of Robert Petri as ambassador to Nigeria, he hasn’t been able to follow through on his commitment.”

The ministry added his replacement was totally unaware of the allegations against the Shell workers.

Yet, Zembla said correspondence between an embassy official and the ministry showed the issue was being discussed earlier this year.

“Second Embassy Secretary from the Dutch post in Nigeria had been corresponding about these accusations as late as May of this year. When asked about this, the ministry supposed that their commitment had ‘slipped through the cracks’,” Zembla added.

“The ministry also stated that it was only after being questioned by Zembla that the current ambassador even broached the subject with Shell,” the statement said.

Al Jazeera

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It is time to end impunity in Nigeria

October 2020 will be remembered in history as the month in which the true scale of the moral bankruptcy, institutional decay and lack of accountability in Nigerian politics and governance was revealed.

Mobilising under the EndSARS umbrella movement, peaceful Nigerians who took to the streets of Lagos to stage demonstrations against police brutality were slaughtered by Nigerian security forces in an episode which came to be known as the Lekki massacre.

These Nigerians were calling for the abolition of the federal Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), which had long engaged in the unlawful arrests, torture and extrajudicial killings of youth.

Initially, the government responded to the demands of the growing movement by disbanding SARS. But as it became clear that this move was of little significance and the protests persisted, the Nigerian government decided to resort to its tried and tested tactic of violently repressing political activism.

On October 20, security forces opened fire on protesters at the Lekki toll gate in Lagos and killed at least 12 peaceful protesters. The world watched as the slow and agonising death of a young Nigerian was livestreamed on Instagram.

Subsequent videos of the massacre shared online and investigations by various media organisations have provided evidence that the massacre was indeed committed by government forces.

It is not the first time the state has used such brutal force against ordinary citizens with deadly consequences. This is because those in charge have enjoyed wide-ranging impunity both at home and abroad. This has to change.

Tyranny on display

Just two days after the massacre, Nigeria’s President Muhammadu Buhari issued a chilling televised statement. In his junta-style address, vividly reminiscent of his tenure as a military dictator in the 1980s, Buhari showed no sympathy for the slain protesters and did not even acknowledge that the massacre had taken place. Instead, he made it clear that the government’s “restraint” was not a “sign of weakness”, and that the international community had no business “rushing to judgement and making hasty pronouncements”.

The eventual proliferation of digital evidence of the massacre attracted unprecedented levels of global scrutiny. The Nigerian government, however, maintained its denial and proceeded to issue a series of statements, branding any media coverage of the massacre as “fake news”.

Individuals involved in the EndSARS protests have also been targeted and detained. There have even been reports of EndSARS supporters in the diaspora, being placed on no-fly lists and financial platforms used to support protests being deactivated.

Investigative reports from reputable international news outlets such as CNN have corroborated and verified witness accounts of the Lekki massacre. They have highlighted the presence of spent ammunition at the scene of the crime.

Traced to be of mixed origin, these ammunitions proved to be a match with those registered in Nigerian government stockpiles. In response, the Nigerian government has threatened CNN with sanctions without providing any evidence that the Lekki investigation was inaccurate.

Global condemnation of the massacre by international organisations, eminent politicians and notable celebrities have followed Buhari’s address, with many intimating that prosecution from the International Criminal Court (ICC) was likely, and desirable. The ICC’s chief prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, even said that she was “keeping a close eye on developments”, and the ICC is now analysing material received.

Yet, the Nigerian government’s confident and global display of dismissal and impunity clearly demonstrates an entrenched belief that its behaviour cannot be constrained by international law, and it is not hard to see why.

The failure of international law

We are living in an era characterised by the sustained desecration of the rules-based international system, the crippling of international institutions and the rise of authoritarianism. But that does not fully explain the negative trajectory of Nigeria’s behaviour in recent times. To understand Nigeria, one also has to consider the failure of the international community to respond decisively to the government’s increasingly reckless and tyrannical behaviour.

In the past, the ICC has consistently failed to demonstrate the culpability of the Nigerian government in previous instances where crimes covered by the Rome Statute had clearly been committed. The ICC has carried out preliminary examinations of situations in Nigeria on numerous occasions, and for almost every year between 2011 and 2018. However, the court has been unable to establish a case against the government for numerous reasons.

The ICC has officially noted that Nigerian authorities have hindered the prosecution of crimes when their own security forces were involved, and it is clear that the government has been consistently unable or unwilling to prosecute those responsible.

Take the Nigerian government’s shooting of peaceful protesters in October 2018, for example. In this instance, Nigerian security forces opened fire on peaceful protesters belonging to the Islamic Movement in Nigeria (IMN) in Abuja, killing 39 and injuring more than 100 people.

Even though the entirety of the shooting was caught on camera, and a subsequent New York Times visual investigation corroborated the victims’ accounts, not a single individual was held responsible for the massacre. This is because by 2018, the government had mastered the strategy of evading ICC jurisdiction – open an internal investigation into an incident, suppress its findings and everyone walks scot-free.

The so-called judicial inquiry set up to investigate the Lekki massacre was meant to repeat this trend, but protests by invited panellists against the signing of non-disclosure agreements as a prerequisite to participation, seem to have botched this gambit. The internal investigation is now under way in a more transparent manner, but the public needs to keep up the pressure to ensure that its findings are not suppressed and the judicial process is carried out in full.

Pot calling the kettle black

Nigeria’s ruling elite have been encouraged in their denial of the Lekki massacre by the failure of their closest allies to – at the very least – caution them in light of its consistent excesses over the years.

Take the United Kingdom for example. In light of the Lekki massacre, concerned citizens in the UK demanded some form of reprimand from their government.

An electronic petition calling on the UK government to unilaterally impose Magnitsky-type sanctions on those responsible for the Lekki massacre was signed by more than 220,000 people. Unsurprisingly, however, the UK government failed to issue any more than feeble statements. Perhaps it was heeding Buhari’s “advice” not to make hasty pronouncements?

While the use of British weaponry or ammunition in the Lekki massacre has not been proven yet, the UK, as a state party to the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT), still has an obligation to stop arms exports to actors that may use them in ways that breach international humanitarian law – like Nigeria.

Article 6.3 of the ATT explicitly states that “a State Party shall not authorize any transfer of conventional arms … if it has knowledge at the time of authorization that the arms or items would be used in the commission of genocide, crimes against humanity, grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions of 1949, attacks directed against civilian objects or civilians protected as such, or other war crimes as defined by international agreements to which it is a Party”.

Yet, in light of the numerous excesses of the Nigerian government the UK has provided at least $57m worth of export licences to Nigeria since 2015, which covers the provision of arms and ammunition. The UK government has even engaged in training activities for the Nigerian police force, and provided equipment and supplies to SARS units from 2016 to 2020, as evidenced by the admission of the UK’s minister for Africa.

The revelation that UK assistance was channelled to these deadly SARS units is deeply disturbing and raises fundamental questions about moral accountability. Entertaining the ideas that the UK deliberately assisted SARS units when they were known to have committed extra-judicial killings, or that it was unaware of the end use of its assistance, are equally disturbing. However, searching for moral currency in a government that has consistently aided Saudi repression in Yemen would be a rather spurious exercise.

The Nigerian government’s display of dismissal and impunity in light of the Lekki massacre should serve as a wake-up call to the international community. The idea that Nigeria’s behaviour cannot be constrained by international law and norms, is sustained by the moral bankruptcy of its allies and their blatant disregard for the same. The government continues to push the envelope in determining what is permissible or circumscribed, and those responsible for the massacre must be held accountable this time around. Otherwise, we are likely to witness even more brutal public assaults on personal and political freedoms, regardless of the intensity of international scrutiny.

By Olamide Samuel

Al Jazeera

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